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Bringing history into accord with the facts in the tradition of Dr. Harry Elmer Barnes 




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A JOURNAL OF NATIONALIST THOUGHT & HISTORY 



VOLUME XIV NUMBER 5 



SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 2008 



BARNESREVIEW.COM 



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The great Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's banned book on 
Russian-Jewish relations & the Christian holocaust 



Bringing History Into Accord With the Facts in the Tradition of Dr. Harry Eimer Barnes 

THE BARNES R EVIEW 

A Journal of Nationalist Thought & History 



September/October 2008 ♦ Volume XIV ♦ Number 5 



Introduction to This Special Issue . . . 



This edition of TBR is entirely devoted to one of the most important books on the Russ- 
ian Revolution and the Bolshevik era ever to be written: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's The 
Jews in the Soviet Union. Together with part one, Russian Jewish History: 1 795-1916, 
they comprise Solzhenitsyn's massive — and suppressed — 200 Years Together. We're 
reviewing The Jews in the Soviet Union this issue because, as far as we know, this is the first and 
only full-length review of the book ever to appear in the English language. 

Distinguished Revisionist historian Udo Walendy reviewed Solzhenitsyn's The Jews in the So- 
viet Union in his magazine Historische Tatsachen ("Historical Facts"). Our English translation 
of that scholarly review — with many great photos added — comprises this September/October 
2008 issue. We think it's a blockbuster. 

As Solzhenitsyn himself put it: "After 1917 life and people [in Russia] changed greatly. But 
literature produced a very poor reflection of these changes. The truth was suppressed and lies 
encouraged. Thus we arrived in the 1990s knowing next to nothing about this country. This 
explains the great number of surprises." 

The German magazine Der Spiegel asked the great writer: 

Your recent two-volume work 200 Years Together was an attempt to overcome a taboo 
against discussing the common history of Russians and Jews. These two volumes have pro- 
voked mainly perplexity in the West. You say the Jews are the leading force of global cap- 
ital and they are among the foremost destroyers of the bourgeoisie. Are we to conclude 
from your rich array of sources that the Jews carry more responsibility than others for the 
failed Soviet experiment? 

Solzhenitsyn replied: 

I avoid exactly that which your question implies: I do not call for any sort of scorekeep- 
ing or comparisons between the moral responsibility of one people or another; moreover, 
I completely exclude the notion of responsibility of one nation toward another. All I am 
calling for is self-reflection. 

You can get the answer to your question from the book itself: Every people must answer 
morally for all of its past — including that past which is shameful. Answer by what means? 
By attempting to comprehend: How could such a thing have been allowed? Where in all 
this is did we go wrong? And could it happen again? 

It is in that spirit, specifically, that it would behoove the Jewish people to answer, both 
for the revolutionary cutthroats and the ranks willing to serve them. Not to answer before 
other peoples, but to oneself, to one's conscience, and before God. Just as we Russians 
must answer — for the pogroms, for those merciless arsonist peasants, for those crazed 
revolutionary soldiers, for those savage sailors. ♦ 

John Tiffany, Assistant Editor 





GLOSSARY OF TE 



S FOR THIS ISSUE 



Bolsheviks (meaning "majority") were 
members of the faction of the Marxist 
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party 
(RSDLP) that split apart from the Men- 
sheviks. 

Bourgeoisie: Those in the upper or mer- 
chant class, whose status or power 
comes not from aristocratic origin; the in- 
corrigibly capitalistic. 

Central Committee: (CC) Most com- 
monly refers to the central executive unit 
of a Leninist (commonly also Trotskyite) 
or Communist Party, whether ruling or 
non-ruling. 

Cheka was the first of a succession of 
Soviet state security organizations. It was 
created by a decree issued on Dec. 20, 
1917, by Lenin. 

Commissar is the English transliteration 
of an official title used in Russia after the 
Bolshevik revolution. It denotes a political 
functionary at a military headquarters 
who holds co-equal rank and authority 
with his military counterpart. 

Cossack: For our discussion, the Cos- 
sacks are a fiercely independent, au- 
tonomous culture group found in large 
enclaves in and around Russia. Cossack 
regions were the main centers for White 
resistance against communism. 

CPSU: The Communist Party of the So- 
viet Union (Communisticheskaya Partiya 
Sovetskogo Soyuza) was the ruling polit- 
ical party in the Soviet Union. It emerged 
in 1912 as the Bolshevik faction of the 
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party 
and then a separate party. The party led 
the October Revolution, which led to the 
establishment of a socialist state in Rus- 
sia. The party was dissolved in 1991, at 
the time of the breakup of the USSR. 

GPU: The State Political Directorate 
(GPU) was the secret police of the Russ- 
ian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic 



(RSFSR) and the Soviet Union until 1934. 
Formed from the Cheka, the Soviet state 
security organization, it was initially known 
under the Russian abbreviation GPU for 
"Gosudarstvennoye Politicheskoye Up- 
ravlenie of the NKVD of the RSFSR." 

Gulag: Soviet labor/death camp system. 
It spread across Russia like a chain of is- 
lands, hence Solzhenitsyn's use of the 
term "gulag archipelago." GULAG was in 
actuality the government agency that ad- 
ministered the penal labor camps of the 
Soviet Union. Gulag is the Russian acro- 
nym for The Chief Administration of Cor- 
rective Labor Camps and Colonies. 
Eventually the usage of "gulag" began to 
denote the entire penal labor system in 
the USSR, then any such penal system. 

Izvestia: Newspaper started in 1917 es- 
pousing, at that time, mostly Menshevik 
views. During the Soviet period, Izvestia 
expressed the official views of the Soviet 
government as published by the Presid- 
ium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. 

KPD: The Communist Party of Germany 
(German: Kommunistische Partei Deutsch- 
lands) was formed in December 1918 
from the Spartacist League, which origi- 
nated as a small factional grouping within 
the Social Democratic Party (SPD), and 
the International Communists of Germany 
(IKD). Both factions opposed WWI on the 
grounds that it was an imperialist war in 
which the working class had no interest. 

Kulak: A Russian agriculturalist with a 
small-to-medium-sized farm. Used de- 
rogatory by the Bolsheviks. 

Mensheviks (meaning "minority") were a 
faction of the Russian revolutionary move- 
ment that emerged in 1 903 after a dispute 
between Vladimir Lenin and Julius Martov, 
both members of the Russian Social-De- 
mocratic Labor Party. The Mensheviks 
(actually the majority) did not want to top- 
ple the czar. They were outlawed in 1 921 . 



Muzhik denotes a Russian peasant. 
Usage was especially common in pre- 
1917 Imperial Russia; a reference to a 
person belonging to a low social class or 
status (specifically, working class or Third 
Estate). 

Nicholas II: Nikolay Alexandrovich Ro- 
manov (1868-1918) was the last czar of 
Russia, king of Poland and grand duke of 
Finland. He is currently regarded as Saint 
Nicholas the Passion Bearer by the 
Russian Orthodox Church. He and his 
family were massacred by order of Lenin 
at the Ipatiev house in Yekaterinburg. 

NKVD (People's Commissariat for Inter- 
nal Affairs) was the leading secret police 
organization of the Soviet Union that was 
responsible for political repression during 
the Stalinist era. 

Politburo: The executive organization for 
a number of political parties, most notably 
for communist parties. 

Pravda: ("Truth") Newspaper was the of- 
ficial mouthpiece of the Communist Party. 

Proletariat was a term used to identify a 
lower social class. 

Taiga: For our discussion, the inhos- 
pitable area below the Russian Arctic tree 
line containing mostly coniferous forests. 

Tass: Soviet mass media outlet. 

Terror Famine: The forced famine insti- 
tuted by the communists to kill as many 
peasants and farmers as possible in 
areas that rejected communism; 10-15 
million people killed in 7 years. 

Tundra: A very cold Arctic region unable 
to support forests due to freezing temper- 
atures and short growing season. 

White Russian: Supporter of the czar. 

Zemstvo refers to a form of local govern- 
ment instituted during the liberal reforms 
of imperial Russia by Czar Alexander II. 



SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 2008 



ERSONAL FROM THE MANAGING EDITOR 



THE BARNTES REVIEW 

Editor & Publisher: Willis A. Carto 

Assistant Editor: John Tiffany 

Managing Editor/Art Director: Paul Angel 

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■^ his issue, TBR is proud to bring you something we know you 
have never seen in the English language. It is an overview and 
critical review of one of the most important books compiled in 
the 20th century. The book being reviewed herein was written by 
the 1970 recipient of the Nobel prize in literature and one of the most highly 
respected writers and philosophers of the age — Russian dissident Aleksandr 
Solzhenitsyn. 

How could such a book escape publication in the United States? For that 
matter, why has no one ever translated the book into English? The title 
should help us understand why this book has been banned and suppressed 
since the day it was completed. The title of the volume we are reviewing is, 
simply, The Jews in the Soviet Union. This volume is part two of Solzhen- 
itsyn 's massive two-book series 200 Years Together. 

Pressure from extremely powerful Zionist sources, as you have already 
figured out by the title, has kept this valuable work from reaching readers in 
the West. And the reason for that will become obvious once you dive into 
this issue of TBR. It details, with great precision, the Jewish involvement in 
the creation of Bolshevism and communism and the willing participation of 
Jews in perpetrating the worst mass murders of the 20th century — crimes 
which dwarf claims about the so-called "holocaust." 

The number of innocent Christian Russians who died at the hands of the 
Soviets is mind-boggling. Solzhenitsyn himself estimated the toll at 60 mil- 
lion. Many Jews, it must be added, were also crushed under the Soviet 
steamroller in later years, after Josef Stalin began to diminish their involve- 
ment in political and military affairs. 

The truth contained within Solzhenitsyn's The Jews in the Soviet Union 
might never have reached the Western world at all had not German historian 
Udo Walendy brought it some much-deserved attention. Over his career, as 
TBR readers know, this brave historian has published extremely honest and 
forthright discussions of World War II. For doing so he has twice been im- 
prisoned in Germany. Think about this courageous man and the price he has 
paid for the truth as you read this special issue. 

Please note: This detailed review by Walendy is not a fawning endorse- 
ment of every word of Solzhenitsyn. Instead, Walendy takes the author to 
task where he feels he has fallen short of Revisionist standards. 

In addition to Walendy, we thank nationalists Roy Armstrong and John 
Nugent for translating Walendy 's German review into English, and the many 
TBR staffers and volunteers who contributed so heavily to this issue. We 
think it is so important, we humbly suggest you buy extra copies to give to 
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And while you're at it, please renew your subscription to TBR. We can 
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today. Please see the full color advance renew insert found between pages 
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TBR founder and publisher Willis A. Carto bound in the center. ♦ 

Paul T. Angel, Managing Editor 



THE BARNES REVIEW 



INTRODUCTI 



Nobel Prize Winner's Writings Still Banned 



By Udo Walendy 

Aleksandr Isaevich Solzhenitsyn 
has proved to be without doubt 
both a very important and indus- 
trious writer. He was born on 
December 1 1, 1918 in Kislovodsk, Stavropol 
Krai, Russia. While an artillery captain in the 
Red Army, he was arrested in February 1945 
in East Prussia because of an exchange of 
letters that criticized Josef Stalin between the 
lines and that was zealously read by political 
monitors. 

For 8 years, from 1945 through 1953, he 
suffered through the work camps of the 
gulag and then spent three more years in an 
internal banishment region of Kazakhstan. 
Afterward, he was a mathematics teacher. 

Assured of government approval by 
Nikita Khrushchev (the communist head of 
state after Stalin) who had introduced a free-speech period or 
"thaw," he released in 1962 his fictionalized account One Day 
in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, the first Soviet work of litera- 
ture about Stalin's punishment camps. It was translated imme- 
diately into numerous languages. 

Then new attacks and persecution began. None of his im- 
portant novels after Ivan Denisovich was allowed to appear in 
the Soviet Union: Cancer Ward (1968); The First Circle of Hell 
(1968); The Gulag Archipelago (three volumes in most printed 
editions, 1973-1978); and a cycle of novels called The Red 
Wheel, consisting of August 1914 (1971), November 1916 
(two volumes, 1984) and March 1917 (two volumes, 1989- 
1990). A fourth tome in the cycle, April 191 7, is not yet trans- 
lated into English. 

He received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1970, but 
did not dare travel to Oslo to receive it, fearing he would be 
banned from Russia. That same year he was in fact excluded 
from the Soviet Writers Federation (which readmitted him 
only in 1989 under glasnost). He was expelled from the So- 
viet Union in 1974 and lived in Vermont from 1976 to 1994. 




ALEKSANDR SOLZHENITSYN 

Photo taken while in the gulag. 



Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev reha- 
bilitated him in 1990 and restored his Russ- 
ian citizenship. 

The present discussion is concerned with 
the second volume of Solzhenitsyn 's two- 
volume work. Together they are called Two 
Hundred Years Together. In romanized Russ- 
ian, this is Dvyesti lyet vmestye. 

The first volume was Russian-Jewish 
History 1795-1916 and ran to 512 pages, 
published in 2001. In 2002 the second vol- 
ume appeared, a 600-page-long investiga- 
tion called The Jews in the Soviet Union. 

His preceding books, written in the form 
of novels, were often based on historical 
facts and personal experiences, and all could 
lay claim to correct and provable factuality 
regarding the historical events they de- 
scribed. As far as we know no one — apart 
from communist dogmatists unable to toss 
overboard their mendacious party dialectic — has dared attack 
or refute him on his facts. He merits outstanding recognition 
for this in view of the abundance of detail in his works. In his 
book The Jews in the Soviet Union, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn 
has once again opened up for us a multiplicity of Russian 
sources that previously had been inaccessible or unevaluated 
in German-speaking countries. 

His Two Hundred Years Together series abandoned his 
usual form of fiction in favor of scientific analysis. Possibly 
this was also due to the controversial topic: Jewish power and 
anti-Semitism. There is only one problem with this otherwise 
excellent book, chapter nine, "At War with Germany." Chapter 
nine should also have received his usual comprehensive doc- 
umentary analysis. But here we cannot avoid the reproach, to 
be detailed later, that the Nobel Prize-winning Solzhenitsyn, 
whom we otherwise profoundly respect, copied for this chap- 
ter exclusively from biased Jewish and Soviet sources, in fact 
mostly from state historians, without feeling compelled to un- 
dertake one single critical examination. 

As an experienced analyst, he should have known that 



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those historians, particularly with respect to Germany, had snatched up their 
pens in the same unanimous and unrestrained party-line spirit as communists al- 
ways do for their political diatribes. A man who otherwise understands well how 
to differentiate between propaganda and re- 
ality, and between censorship and freedom 
of expression, has here lost his impartiality 
when confronted with the extensive com- 
plexity of German history. 

In his Gulag Archipelago he confessed: 
"How easily did we let zealous [Stalinist] 
slogans lead us about on their mental leash. 
How satisfied we were to regard the persons 
betrayed as those who were betraying!" 1 

In volume two he describes truly horrific 
events that were basic Soviet practice. But re- 
garding German war history, it does not 
occur to Solzhenitsyn in the least to think that 
he might still be on the leash of zealous prop- 
aganda. ♦ 




Left, a photo of Solzhenitsyn being 
searched by a camp guard. Solzhenitsyn was 
sentenced to hard labor after a criticism of the 
Soviet leadership was detected in a personal 
letter sent to a friend. Above, Solzhenitsyn in 
early middle age, years after his release from 
the work camps. He sports his signature facial 
hair. Below, the construction site of the Baltic- 
White Sea Canal (once called the Stalin 
Canal) saw the destruction of the lives of 
100,000 prisoners in 1932-33, people taken 
by revolutionary arbitrariness from all the 
classes of all the ethnic groups of Russia. 
The project, whipped through to completion 
by the gulag administration, never fulfilled 
the original expectations. The canal was 140 
miles in length and had 19 locks for ships up 
to 3,000 tons and ran from Archangel over 
Lake Onega but could be used only in the 
ice-free season from June to October. Further, 
in many spots it was not deep enough to 
accommodate larger transport vessels. 




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Anti-czarist forces of the left take up positions outside 

the Kremlin in preparation for the October Revolution of 

1917. On the front cover this issue, a painting depicts 

Red Guards entering the Kremlin on November 2, 1917. 



FIRST-TIME EVER ENGLISH REVIEW OF BANNED BOOK BY ALEKSANDR SOLZHENITSYN 



"Jews 



in the 



SOVIET UNION 

Part 2 of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's 
banned book series 200 Years Together— 
a review by German historian Udo Walendy 



The Communist October Revolution in Russia 



The domestic and international dimensions of the 
Bolshevik revolution can be grasped only by fa- 
miliarization with what happened in the power 
centers of the capitals of Petrograd (formerly St. 
Petersburg, later called Leningrad) and, from 
March 1918 on, Moscow, and the consequent effects on the vast 
tracts of Russia. Enough books have appeared concerning this. 
The goal of this review is to show two things: 1) that Alek- 
sandr Solzhenitsyn, despite all the suffering he has undergone 
and learned of from his companions in fate, has remained a 
Russian nationalist patriot; and 2) to summarize his key find- 
ings. 

First, here is a summary of illustrative quotations from 
Solzhenitsyn taken from his classic and massive The GULAG 
Archipelago: 

The river [of political prisoners] that flowed in the years 
1937-38 was neither the only one, nor even the main one — 
perhaps only one of the three large rivers that brought the 
dark stinking pipes of our prison channels almost to burst- 
ing. The river of the years 1920-30 had preceded it It had 

sloshed a good 15 million muzhiks (if not even more) into 
the taiga and the tundra And afterward there was the in- 
mate river of 1944-46. . . . Whole nations were pumped 



through the discharge pipes [such as Cossacks, Tatars, ethnic 
German Russians, Poles, Baits, Hungarians etc] and in ad- 
dition there were millions and millions of [Soviet] returnees 
[from German wartime labor camps and factories], German 

POWs and new forced labor hordes The prison pipeline 

never remained empty. 2 

At the end of November 1917 ... the members of the Cadet 
Party were also declared outlaws. Arrests followed immediately. 
The members of the Federation of Constituents [the advocates 
of a democratic constitution] and the network of the "soldier 
universities" were immediately included. 

Lifted from an NKVD circular of December 1917: 

In view of the sabotage of the work of our officials ... a 
maximum of self-initiative is to be displayed by local au- 
thorities, who by no means should avoid using confiscations, 
coercive measures and arrests. 3 

Solzhenitsyn writes that while Lenin was demanding the 
merciless subjugation of all attempters of anarchy, he published 
on January 7 and 10, 1918, two articles to guide his Bolsheviks, 
demanding, as Lenin said, "the cleansing of Russian soil of all 
vermin." 



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Solzhenitsyn adds: 

Under vermin he understood not only everything that was 
hostile and outside of the working class, but also workers 
themselves who avoided labor. . . ." 4 Vermin were naturally the 

zemstvo farmers, the tradesmen and all home owners It 

was vermin that were singing in the church choirs. 5 [Zemstvo 
refers to a form of local government instituted during the great 
liberal reforms of imperial Russia by Alexander II.] — Ed. 

Other vermin were high school teachers and church council 
members. "All clergymen [were] vermin," remembered Sol- 
zhenitsyn. 

The same applied to railroad men who refused an oath 
swearing armed defense of Soviet authority, telegraphers un- 
sympathetic toward their new masters and insubordinate trade 
unionists. 

Solzhenitsyn says: 



The Cheka 's [secret police] task 
was to settle accounts outside the 
court system. In all of man's history it 
represented a unique kind of repres- 
sive organ — one single authority en- 
trusted with spying on citizens, with 
arresting them, with conducting in- 
vestigations of them, with directing 
their prosecution, furnishing their 
judges and carrying out sentences 
upon them. 6 

In February 1918 the Sovnarkom's chairman, Vladimir 
Ilyich Lenin, demanded an increase in the number of prisons 
as well as more severe punitive repression, and in May he 
added concrete sentencing guidelines for the "punishment 
of corruption": a minimum of 10 years prison plus 10 years 
at a hard labor camp. 7 

With regard to foreign policy the Bolsheviks secured them- 
selves a respite by making peace with Germany in the Brest- 
Litovsk Treaty of March 1918. Their representatives at the 
conference were Leon Trotsky (formerly Bronstein), Adolf 
Yoffe, Lev Kamenev (formerly Rosenfeld) and Gregory Sokol- 
nikov (formerly Brilliant). On August 26, 1918 Lenin instructed 
by telegram: "Dubious persons are to be locked up in concen- 
tration camps outside of the city. Relentless mass terror is to be 
carried out." 8 

Tens of thousands of hostages were killed "for deterrence" 
during the 1917-1922 civil war, with hundreds drowned at a 
time by sinking them on barges in the White Sea in the Arctic. 



"'Vermin ' were naturally the 
small- and medium-sized 

farmers, the tradesmen and 
all home owners. It was 
vermin ' that were singing 
in the church choirs. " 



The NKVD instructed its local offices on August 30, 1918 
with this ominous order: 

All right-wing Social Revolutionaries [The Social Revo- 
lutionaries were socialists but not Bolsheviks, hence were 
called right-wingers. — Ed.] are to be immediately impris- 
oned, and a considerable number of bourgeois and officers 
also must be taken hostage. 

By resolution of the Defense Council of February 15, 
1919 the Cheka and the NKVD were instructed to seize 
hostages from the farmers of those areas "wherever the 
clearing of snowdrifts off the railroad tracks is not progress- 
ing satisfactorily; in this case, if the work is not done, they 
can be shot." 

On September 5, 1918 the major decree setting in motion 
the Red Terror followed, with instructions for mass shootings 
and erecting concentration camps under the direct authority of 
the Cheka. The decree read: "For at- 
tempts to escape from concentration 
camps the punishment is a tenfold in- 
crease of prison time and, for repeated at- 
tempts, shooting." 

At the end of 1920 Social Democrats 
were again targeted as hostages. Cheka 
Order No. 10 of January 8, 1921 ordered 
"intensification of the repression of the 
bourgeoisie." This was after the end of 
the civil war! The Cheka also continued 
rounding up Mensheviks (the anti-terrorist communists], and 
other members of smaller parties on nocturnal excursions. 

People were also shot recklessly on the basis of arbitrary 
lists — particularly academics, artists, authors and engineers. 
With the regulation on forced food-collection of January 1919, 
the farmers were also targeted. 

Later, in the 1930s, the mass "collectivization of agricul- 
ture" in Ukraine led to the death by starvation of about 6 million 
humans. 

Solzhenitsyn remembered: 

Any man who has not yet been flung into the sewage 
channel, Solzhenitsyn writes from his bitter personal expe- 
rience, and whoever has not yet been pumped himself 
through the pipes into the GULAG archipelago, should 
march about, joyfully above-ground, with flags flying and 
bands playing, praising the courts, and expressing ecstasy 
over his acquittal. 

From Solzhenitsyn 's summary in The GULAG Archipelago: 



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What will be found in the following section is almost in- 
comprehensible. In order to grasp the full and monstrous 
truth and comprehend it down to the bedrock, one would 
have to be dragged through many lives in many camps — 
camps in which the first phase alone could not be survived 
without special favors from someone, since the camps were 
devised for your extermination. 

And so it happens that all who got the deep and full ex- 
perience of the gulag now lie for a long time in their grave, 
silent forever. . . . 

What happened to me [Solzhenitsyn here speaks of him- 
self as a survivor] resembles more a view through a hole in 
the wall of this archipelago than a panoramic view from one 
of its towers. Fortunately, however, more books on the gulag 
continue to emerge. . . . 

After describing the incessant horrors suffered by those 
dragged by the communist system into the penal and extermi- 
nation mills, Solzhenitsyn goes on to outline life outside the 
gulag — the permanent living conditions of those who had the 
"luck" not to be arrested by the Cheka: 

1. Constant fear, because there was no security for any- 
one's life, dwelling or property; 

2. Moving to another place was difficult or impossible; 

3. Taciturnity and distrust; 

4. General unawareness of what was happening; 

5. Informants everywhere; 

6. Betrayal as a way of life: Betrayal was all around you. 
... It is easy to claim now that arrest was "a roll of the dice," 

as Ilya Ehrenburg claimed But arrests were a matter of 

quotas and state goals. And anyone who spoke publicly 
against them was seized in the same instant; 9 

7. Destruction: The number of the prisoners that passed 
over the course of 35 years (until 1953) through the archi- 
pelago or died there amounts to roughly 40-50 million, and 
that is a careful estimation, because that is only three or four 
times the average population of the gulag; during the war, 1 
percent died daily); 10 

8. Lying as a way of life; 

9. Cruelty (even against Cheka and state personnel). 

No worse ruling system can be imagined. 

Who were its makers, and how was it possible that this sys- 
tem also rode on tanks as a "liberator" into Central Europe in 
1945 over the blood slick of millions of humans, hailed by the 
Western Allies, a USSR celebrating itself as a representative of 
civilized "mankind" and sitting in judgment at Nuremberg over 
the defeated "barbarians"? ♦ 




LEON TROTSKY 

Leon Trotsky became People's Commissar for the Army and 
Fleet, chairman of the "Revolutionary War Council of the Re- 
public," a member of the Central Committee and of the Polit- 
buro. He mercilessly liquidated "lackeys of imperialism and 
the bourgeoisie," "counter-revolutionaries," "suspect per- 
sons," "previous-attitude people," members and clergy of the 
Orthodox Church and all workers and farmers who did not 
unconditionally submit to Bolshevism. Trotsky nearly always 
surrounded himself with fellow Jews as his closest co-work- 
ers. He established in August 1918 the first concentration 
camps, and even had women and children locked up and — 
if necessary— shot to deter defections to the White forces 
(anti-Bolsheviks) or to terrify strikers. Trotsky lost his power 
struggle with Josef Stalin: on August 21 , 1 940, he was killed 
with a sawed-off ice axe (not an ice pick as so many history 
books proclaim) to the brain by an NKVD agent in Mexico 
City. Above, a quite young Trotsky sporting a goatee. Below, 
a photo of Trotsky in a Mexican hospital where he was 
placed after the attack. 




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Jewish Involvement in Communism No 'German Invention 9 



The basis for the postwar condemnation of Na- 
tional Socialism was the accusation that it acted 
out of Germanic "race pride" and aggressively 
strove to conquer "Lebensrauni' in the east. 

Further, Germany was accused of spreading the "false- 
hood" worldwide that Bolshevism was identical to "inter- 
national Jewry" which supposedly financed and supported 
it for many decades. The supposed truth, we are told, is 
that the world-encompassing goals of the Bolsheviks and 
the reign of terror they spread were recognizably a "Russ- 
ian" phenomenon. 

Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn examines in detail the origins 
of Bolshevism. He goes into both its international connec- 
tions, and into the involvement of Russian Jews in the rev- 
olutionary events of 1917-18, and he studies the totality 
of Soviet history [1917-91], with all its consequences, 
which clearly were directed against the Russian and other 
Soviet-incorporated ethnicities. 

In the following overview we have striven to reduce the 
multiplicity of names and their ranks and functions in the 
Soviet power system that Solzhenitsyn lists to the most sig- 
nificant ones. 

Solzhenitsyn begins rightly with the obligations and re- 
ligious roots of Jewry as scattered across the world in the 
Diaspora. From these derive obligations for a border-su- 
perseding cooperation that is not only Zionist (benefiting 
the concept of a Jewish "State of Israel") but much more. 
This worldwide, religiously and racially motivated require- 
ment of loyalty, which crystallized during World War I on 
the East Coast of the U.S. among high-level personages of 
international Jewry, also exerted itself upon all Jews living 
around the world. Solzhenitsyn makes two things clear: 

1) There is a factual basis for asserting that there exists 
a globe-encompassing, comprehensive code that not only 
defines "good" and "evil" in terms of religion and race, 
but also derives from it vast consequences in imperial 
power-politics; and 

2) There is an absolutely unilateral Jewish evaluation 
and appreciation of any human action depending on the 
religion, people and race to which the person in question 
adheres. 

Solzhenitsyn says: "It is said of David Ben Gurion, that 
he once told the world: 'What is important is what the Jews 
do, and not what the goyim have to say about it.' " 

With this basic attitude, and supported by terrorist or- 
ganizations, Ben Gurion justified the proclamation of the 



state of Israel on May 14, 1948. 

Therefore the Red revolution of 1917 was a conver- 
gence of not one but two internationally minded world- 
views, whose bearers certified to each other — the one on 
the basis of "class warfare," the other on the basis of an 
allegedly "chosen" religious faith (but in reality a common 
ethnicity) — that everything they did was always legal and 
could not be measured by any other yardstick. Thus 
Solzhenitsyn quotes from the words of U.S. Supreme 
Court justice and prominent Zionist Louis Brandeis: 

If for any reason people of Jewish blood are experienc- 
ing suffering, our sympathy and our assistance flow in- 
stinctively to them in whatever country they may live, 
without asking for the nuances of their faith or lack of it. 11 

Solzhenitsyn supplements this with a quote from a 
Jewish authoress: 

And naturally this history [i.e., of the Jews] was, as with 
other peoples, not only of the pious, but also of the shame- 
less; not only of the defenseless and those taken away to be 
murdered, but also of men with arms bringing death to oth- 
ers; not only of the hunted and persecuted but also of the 
hunters and persecutors. There are pages of this history 
which one does not open without trembling. And these are 
the pages that are systematically and purposefully eradi- 
cated from the consciousness of the Jews. 12 

Not only must the nature of these Bolshevik deeds be 
discussed but also the percentage of Jews in the Bolshevik 
cadres. In this context as well Solzhenitsyn quotes from 
Jewish authors, e.g., the Israeli M. Agursky, who, looking 
backward after 50 years, wrote: 

The massive penetration of Jews into all areas of Russ- 
ian life and into the top Soviet leadership during the first 
20 years after the Revolution proved hardly constructive 
for Jewry, and even harmful. 13 

What deeply affected the soul of the Russian people 
was the assault against the Orthodox Church — during 
which, just between 1918 and 1924, 8,000 clergymen were 
executed. 14 

The chairman of the "Federation of Godless Militants" 
was Trotsky himself. His successor, likewise a Jew, 
Emelian Yaroslavsky (born Gubelmann), rose from mem- 



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LEVI B. KAMENEV 



KARL RADEK 



KEY JEWISH COMMUNISTS: Levi B. Kamenev (ne Rosenfeld) 
was a trusted friend of Lenin and from 1913-14 he was editor of 
Pravda. From 1 91 7 to 1 927 he was a member of the Central Com- 
mittee of the CPSU (Communist Party of the Soviet Union). After 
Lenin's death in 1924 he formed the Soviet leadership troika with 
Stalin and Zinoviev, but in 1925-26 his attempt, along with Zinoviev 
and Trotsky, to limit Stalin's arbitrary power led to the loss of all his 
offices. In 1936 he was condemned to death in the Moscow show 
trials. Karl Radek (born Sobelsohn) was from 1 91 9 to 1 923 a Cen- 
tral Committee member and one of the most important leaders of 
the Comintern. He appeared as its envoy in 1919 at the founding 
congress of the KPD in Berlin in a Soviet-Russian uniform. He dis- 
appointed the CPSU in 1 923 by the failure of his financing of com- 
munist revolution and agitation in Germany. In 1927 he was 
excluded from the party. In 1929 he was recalled from his Siberian 
banishment to be editor of Pravda. In 1936 he was arrested again 



JACOB SVERDLOV 



GRIGORY ZINOVIEV 



and in 1937 condemned to 10 years hard labor. He was beaten to 
death in 1939 in a labor camp. Jacob M. Sverdlov, was co-chair- 
man of the Ail-Russian Executive Committee, alongside Trotsky 
and Ephraim Sklyansky. Joint founder of the Red Army, he func- 
tioned as the first head of the Soviet state, demanded "pitiless 
mass terror against the enemies of the revolution" and ordered the 
extermination of the czar and his family. He died in 1 91 9. Grigory 
Yevseyevich Zinoviev (born Radomyslsky), from 1903 on was a 
close collaborator of Lenin. In 1917 he became chairman of the 
Petrograd Soviet and in 1919 became a member of the Politburo 
of the Bolshevik party. From 1 91 9 to 1 926 he was chairman of the 
Communist Internationale ("Comintern") to whose guidance— as 
the "General Staff of the World Revolution"— all communist parties 
were to submit themselves. He was arrested in 1935 and, after a 
sensational show trial in 1936, was shot for involvement in a con- 
spiracy to assassinate Stalin. 



bership in the Central Committee and the Control Com- 
mission to become the President of the Supreme Soviet. 15 

Solzhenitsyn deplores the requirement for authors to 
deliberately write biased history — specifically, as Solzhen- 
itsyn says, "a gale of curses on the old Russia, to which 
have been added invented cinematic slanders." 16 

And in an article in The Jewish Tribune: 

It is no invention to say that there is anti-Semitism in the 
USSR; nowadays in Russia one throws Jewry and Bolshe- 
vism into the same pot; of that there is no doubt. 

A Jewish woman doctor complained: "The Jewish Bol- 
sheviks in the administration have ruined my excellent re- 
lationship with the local population." 

A teacher complained: "The children yell that I am 
teaching in a 'Jew school,' because Orthodox [Christian] 
religious education is no longer permitted and because the 



priest has been driven out. In the People's Commissariat 
for Education only Jews are sitting there." 17 

But the most crucial analysis of the total situation is 
summarized in Solzhenitsyn 's anthology, 200 Years To- 
gether in volume two, The Jews in the Soviet Union: 

Now Jews are standing on every corner and on every 
step in the hierarchy of power. The Russian sees him on 
top of the czars' city of Moscow (Lev B. Kamenev) and at 
the top of the metropolis on the Neva [St. Petersburg] 
(Grigory Yevseyevich Zinoviev) and as head of the Red 
Army (Leon Trotsky), the perfect mechanisms for our self- 
destruction. He must watch as the riverbank dedicated to 
Saint Vladimir now bears the famous name of Nachimson! 

Simeon M. Nachimson commanded Lenin's Praetorian 
Guard, a Latvian Rifle Regiment. Latvia, a country 



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plagued by organized crime, was also home to many Bol- 
sheviks. And as the historical Lithuanian Avenue is re- 
named Volodarsky Avenue (after W. Volodarsky) and 
Pavlovsk becomes Slutsk (after Abram Slutsky) [Abram 
Slutsky was a Chekist, then foreign officer with the 
NKVD and eliminator of Whites and Trotskyites in the 
USSR. Stalin rewarded him with poison in 1938. — Ed.], 
Solzhenitsyn says, "Russian people are now confronted by 
a Jew both as their judge and hangman. Likewise, Jews 
were commandants of 1 1 of the 12 great labor camp sys- 
tems." [Jewish Bolshevism — Myth and Reality, p. 204] 

One example is the city of Sverdlovsk, the former 
Yekaterinburg, the main industrial city of the Urals, named 
after Jacob M. Sverdlov, the first Soviet president, chair- 
man of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and 
the person responsible for the murder of the imperial fam- 
ily. Solzhenitsyn supplemented this enumeration with 
more examples: 



One finds them at the top of the 
Comintern with Zinoviev, Radek 
and Manuilsky; the International of 
trade unions, the Profintern with 
Dridso-Losovsky; and the Komso- 
mol [the communist youth organi- 
zation] with Oscar Rivkin, then 
after him Lazarus Shatskin, who 
presided over the communist Youth 
International as well. 



"Solzhenitsyn had still not 
concerned himself with recent 

Israeli authors, who went 
through sealed documents in 

Soviet secret archives and 

discovered "Lenin's grand- 
parents were Jewish. " 



With all his research, Solzhenitsyn had still not con- 
cerned himself at the time of his writing with recent Israeli 
authors, who went through sealed documents in Soviet se- 
cret archives and unanimously discovered "that Lenin's 
grandparents were of Jewish descent. Lenin's grandfather, 
Alexander [before the baptism = Srul Moishevich] Blank, 
was the son of Jewish parents." Stalin forbade Lenin's sis- 
ter from revealing this information. "The appropriate cor- 
respondence was found in the Muscovite CP archives." 

Among many other Jewish media reports on Lenin 
from the beginning of the 1990s 22 there was The London 
Jewish Chronicle article of February 25, 1992. The article 
concludes: 

Lenin praised Jews in extravagant terms — just as he 

spoke with contempt of Russians. Possibly alluding to 

himself, he expressed to the writer Maxim Gorky that "an 

intelligent Russian is always a Jew or has Jewish blood." 

In addition, he favorably contrasted the 

Jews as revolutionaries with Russians. 23 



Solzhenitsyn adds: 

At the first foreign conferences where 
Soviet diplomats participated, in Genoa 
and at The Hague (1922), it could not re- 
main hidden from Europe that the Soviet 
diplomats and their assistants consisted to 
a large extent of Jews. 24 



Another aspect was also astonishing: the manner in 
which these presidents and war ministers acted. 18 

In the early party congresses after the October Revolu- 
tion, 15-20% of the delegates were Jewish (Jews being 
1.7% of the population). 19 

"In the first executive committee of the Comintern 
there were more Jewish than non- Jewish members" [by 
July 1930 the 25-member presidium of the CPSU [Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union] consisted of 1 1 Jews, 
eight Russians, three Caucasians and three Latvians. 20 The 
high portion of Jewish functionaries in the Cheka, GPU, 
the NKVD and KGB remained a constant topic of conver- 
sation. 

Solzhenitsyn says: 

Why was it that anyone who had the misfortune to fall 
into the hands of the Cheka could count with high proba- 
bility on standing before a Jewish investigator or being 
shot by a Jew? 21 



This also applies to the Soviet officials posted to the 
League of Nations. The Soviet minister of foreign affairs 
Maxim Litvinov (born Meyer Wallach) presided over the 
Moscow People's Commissariat of the Exterior from 1930 
to 1939 before he went on to represent the USSR between 
1941 and 1943 as its ambassador to Washington; he was 
sent there by Stalin as his special advocate of a pact against 
Germany. Already, before Litvinov, back in the 1920s, "the 
Soviet trade mission in Berlin was 98%) Jewish," according 
to Maxim Gorky, the writer celebrated by the communists 
as the founder of socialist realism," Solzhenitsyn tells us. 25 

This was probably not exaggerated. A similar situation 
prevailed in the other Western capitals where the Soviets 
gradually opened agencies. 

The work of the early Soviet commercial representa- 
tives is told in a very lively manner in a book by G.A. 
Solomon, the first Soviet commercial agent in the Estonian 
capital of Tallin (the first European capital to recognize 
the Bolsheviks). 26 



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Jewish authors tend to conceal the shameful acts of 
Jewish communist executioners; however, on the other 
hand, they occasionally refer with pride to the high posi- 
tions some members of their "tribe" enjoyed under the 
Bolsheviks. For example, M. Zarubeznyi, author of the 
1925 Yearbook of the Peoples Commissariat for Foreign 
Affairs, has a special list in his publication, The Jews in 
the Kremlin, 21 with the names and functions of various 
Jews in the Foreign Commissariat, and he notes that 
among the key figures in the literary and publishing sec- 
tion of the People's Commissariat he found "not one gen- 
tile." In a list of colleagues in the foreign offices and 
consulates of the USSR he found that "there was no coun- 
try in the world at that time to which the Kremlin had not 
sent its faithful Jew." A detailed list followed. 

Solzhenitsyn adds: 

Not a few Jewish names would have been found by 
any author in the 1920s at the Supreme Court of the 
Russian Federation, as well as in the attorney general's 
office and in the inspection agencies dealing with work- 
ers and farmers. 

Solzhenitsyn adds further names and curricula vitae of 
prominent Bolshevik functionaries found in government 
committees, cultural affairs, academics, economics, bank- 
ing and construction, and quotes further Jewish authors: 

More noticeable than anything else is . . . the significant 
number of Jews who became Soviet officials, and fre- 



quently in very high positions. Particularly, there were 
many Jewish colleagues in the People's Commissariats 
dealing with economic functions. The Jewish intelligentsia 
streamed in hordes into government service for the victo- 
rious revolution, recognizing an access that had been for- 
bidden them in former times. 28 

As early as 1919 Jewish youth was already heading in 
tremendous numbers into film, that art form whose im- 
mediate agitational effect Lenin had praised for controlling 
the masses psychologically. 

Many of them ran film studios but others went into the 
republican [referring to the provincial republics of the 
USSR] and central [Moscow] agencies that governed the 
film industry, training centers and film teams. 

Impressive achievements of early Soviet film can un- 
questionably be considered as Jewish contributions. The 
Jewish Encyclopedia provides a long list of Jewish film 
functionaries, directors, actors, scriptwriters and film the- 
oreticians. 29 

But, according to Solzhenitsyn, there were also Jews 
who fled the USSR: 

The first Soviet commissar of justice, Isaac Steinberg, 
resigned from his fight against the Cheka and emigrated. 30 

The president of the State Bank, A.L. Sheinmann, 
whose signature was on every Soviet banknote, and after 
1924 was additionally the People's Commissar of the 
USSR for Domestic Trade . . . remained abroad in April 
1929, thus opting for the cursed world of capitalism. 31 ♦ 



LAZAR KAGANOVICH: DEDICATED KILLER 

As Stalin's brother-in-law and closest collaborator, Lazar Kaganovich was one of 
the most powerful and dangerous men in the world, an executioner with the blood of 20 
million people on his hands. He also organized the gruesome persecution of his own eth- 
nic group in Stalin's kingdom. Kaganovich was responsible for the death of an entire 
generation of intellectuals and the personal signer of execution orders for 36,000 people. 
Kaganovich also ordered the wholesale destruction of Christian monuments and 
churches, including the shocking demolition in downtown Moscow of the Cathedral of 
Christ the Savior in 1 931 . It was replaced by a giant public swimming pool, but was glo- 
riously rebuilt at a cost of over $100 million by the Russian people and reconsecrated in 
August 2000. From being the son of a shoe store owner he rose by 1924 into the Central 
Committee of the USSR, by 1930 into the Politburo (where he remained in until 1957); 
by 1935 he became a minister in several ministries and ran the Central Commission for 
the Examination of Party Cadres, and thus the innumerable purges, with lethal outcome. 
Two of his own brothers— one the munitions minister— were victims. During World War 
II he belonged to the State Committee for Defense. In 1 957 he was removed from all his 
positions after a failed coup attempt against Nikita Khrushchev. 




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Emancipation of the Russian Jews: The February 1917 Revolution 



There had been 126 years of disadvantages for 
Jews under the Russian state, which had begun 
with a 1791 ukase by Catherine the Great and 
was ended by the men of the 1 9 1 7 February Rev- 
olution. [The February Revolution overthrew Czar 
Nicholas II and the monarchy] 

The 1917 Kerensky revolution provided immediately 
for the equal treatment of all citizens of Russia, regardless 
of faith and nationality For the Jews this opened up areas 
of career advancement in all leadership areas. Already by 
1915 the Jewish areas of settlement had been abolished; 
these changes were now legally confirmed. 

The feeling of release and the mood of excitement 
brought about by the downfall of czarist rule led to a first 
great wave of wide-ranging participation by Jewish ac- 
tivists in the politically relevant deci- 
sion centers of the country. This was 
connected with a migration into the 
cities, above all to the large cities. 

The arrest and shooting hysteria 
that the one-time oppressed of czar- 
ism would manifest itself all across 
Russia during the February Revolu- 
tion was still nothing in comparison 
with the killings that the Bolsheviks 
would perpetrate starting with the Oc- 
tober Revolution. The Little Jewish Encyclopedia (Jerusa- 
lem) noted "a powerful increase in political activity by 
Jewry, which stood out even from the frenetic elan that 
seized Russian society after February 1917." 32 

For the first time in Russian history, Jews took high po- 
sitions in both the central and local administrations. 33 

Solzhenitsyn confirms this statement in many pas- 
sages, according to which "in the first days of the February 
Revolution the large number of Jews at the meeting place 
of the State Duma [Russian parliament] and on the main 
squares of Petrograd [St. Petersburg] was already notice- 
able, and that they as agitators were essential in getting the 
Revolution under way." 

Even if Solzhenitsyn did stress the responsibility of 
non- Jewish Russians for the February 1917 revolution as 
well, he nevertheless attributed its irreconcilable character- 
istics to the behavior of Jews. The ethnic Russians them- 
selves had no cause for such depths of hatred. 34 

Here one must pay particular attention to the Executive 
Committee of the Soviet ["Council"] of Workers and Sol- 
diers' Deputies, which de facto took power from Keren- 



"The feeling of release 

and the mood of excitement 

brought about by the downfall 

of czarist rule led to a first 

great wave of wide-ranging 

participation by Jewish 

activists. " 



sky's Provisional Government. 

Unlike Kerensky, it knew how to get its own orders 
obeyed, for example in taking power away from the hier- 
archy of the czarist officer corps in the middle of war with 
Germany (via its "Order No. 1"). 

On the Executive Committee, behind the many con- 
spiratorially changed names there were mostly elements 
of foreign origin. Solzhenitsyn said, "of the 30 truly active 
members . . . about half proved to be Jewish socialists." 55 
However, a multiplicity of Jewish energies also went 
into the Provisional Government. There were both domes- 
tic and foreign Jewish subscribers to the "Liberty Loan" 
for the Kerensky government. (Jacob Schiff in New York 
and Rothschild in London each invested $1 million; from 
the Great Synagogue of Moscow 22 million rubles were 
collected and lent.) Other Kerensky 
supporters included the activists of the 
Jewish Bund. There was also the Party 
of the Jewish Proletariat, the Poale 
Zion (Zionist Workers Party), the Ter- 
ritorialists (who wanted a homeland in 
East Africa from the British Empire) 
and the Socialist Labor Party. 

The Bolsheviks prevented a true 
"All-Russian Jewish Congress" from 
ever being held, 36 but before their 
takeover, in the spring of 1 9 1 7, the two biggest Jewish par- 
ties held their own separate "All-Russian Jewish Con- 
gresses" and rapidly expanded their organizations 
country-wide. Their programs and measures were charac- 
terized by extraordinary radicalism and included plans for 
all of Russia with its multi-ethnic citizens. 

If the development of Jewish cultural life and of the 
Jewish press corresponded to their new liberties and op- 
portunities, there were still some transformations that as- 
tonished even Solzhenitsyn. Thus, for example, the 
opening up of military officer careers to Jews ended up, as 
Solzhenitsyn says, "more or less a mass promotion of 
young Jews as officers." 37 

When Lenin returned to Russia from Switzerland in a 
sealed German train with 30 other Bolsheviks, followed 
by 160 more of them with the Nathanson-Marov-Zeder- 
baum group, predominantly Jews, nearly all of them later 
would occupy prominent positions with the Bolshevik 
government. 38 

"In far greater numbers, by the hundreds, Jews poured 
from the United States into Russia, some of whom had 



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emigrated a long time ago, others revolutionaries in exile 
or men who had fled Russian military service. Now they 
were naming themselves "revolutionary fighters" and 
"victims of czarism" as Solzhenitsyn put it. 

In this manner Leon Trotsky, one of the founders of the 
Red Army, showed up in Russia with numerous adherents, 
besides which he was in possession of a considerable sum 
of money, apparently from Wall Street Jews. He put the 
members of his group into prominent positions: into the 
Soviet trade unions, into the press (such as the party news- 
paper Pravda), into the central bank, and as commissars; 
the erstwhile house painter in America, Gomberg-Sorin, 
even became the chairman of the Petrograd [St. Peters- 
burg] Revolutionary Tribunal. 39 

Countless Jewish returnees from London also "joined 
the action with enthusiasm," as Solzhenitsyn puts it. 
Solzhenitsyn recounts some of the famous names, their 
state functions and often frightening misdeeds. 40 ♦ 

The Red Terror 

The February Revolution in 1917 was seen by the 
truly radical revolutionaries (the "Bolsheviks") 
only as a preparatory phase for the removal of all 
past socio-economic and cultural structures, not 
only in Russia but, in principle, in all countries of the 
world. 

The engagement of Russian Jews on behalf of a new 
state order that secured their previously ignored equal 
rights is certainly understandable. This applies also to 
cases where inflexible opponents of this objective would 
need to be vigorously brought around to the new viewpoint 
or driven from their positions of power. 

But comprehension ends when state slogans call for, 
and are actually converted into, programs of mass terror 
and where mass murder, torture and sadistic vengefulness 
in the style of the Old Testament are committed while giv- 
ing simultaneous privileges to their perpetrators. Such 
have nothing to do with humanity and progress. But it was 
precisely this fusion of the communist program with the 
brutal and sadistic zeal of foreign high-level leaders that 
marked the revolution, the civil war and the subsequent 
years from 1917 up until the death of Stalin on March 5, 
1953. 

Solzhenitsyn confirms, with an abundance of specific 
examples, that those things of which the Bolsheviks were 
accused — namely the Red Terror of the revolution, the 
civil war years and subsequent waves of purges, during 




FELIX DZERZHINSKY: THE POLISH ASSASSIN 

Felix E. Dzerzhinsky (Polish), a former convict, sinister Cheka 
boss and People's Commissar of the Interior, set up "mobile 
revolutionary tribunals" in 1921 in Siberia in order to rapidly 
sentence farmers to death who refused to turn over their 
crops to the Bolshevik state. His "confiscation orgies" con- 
tributed to the famine of the 
civil war. One of the archi- 
tects of the Red Terror, from 
1924 until his death in 1926, 
he was the People's Com- 
missar for Railroads. In the 
first five years that he ran the 
Cheka/GPU, this agency ad- 
mitted that 1 .86 million "class 
enemies" were "liquidated," 
among them 6,000 teachers 
and professors, 8,800 physi- 
cians, 1 ,200 clergy, 5,400 mil- 
itary officers, 260,000 sergeants and lower ranks, 105,000 
police officers, 48,000 police officers, 12,800 officials, 
350,000 intellectuals, 192,000 workers and 815,000 farmers. 
Many researchers agree, however, on a figure of more than 
10 million victims of the civil war. 




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the induced famines caused by the collectivization of 
agriculture and the incessant food confiscations across 
the countryside — were just as little a slanderous inven- 
tion of evil "class enemies" or "counter-revolutionaries" 
as was the unusually high percentage of prominent Jews 
carrying out the brutal orders of the party, state, secret 
services and military. 

As early as July 27, 1 9 1 8, Lenin decreed a law privileg- 
ing Jews; making all "active anti-Semites" outlaws, to be 
shot — in plain language, to be exterminated like vermin 
because of mere "agitation," without having actually de- 
prived anyone of his human rights. 41 

Solzhenitsyn remembers, "The law encouraged every 
Jew who had been insulted as a Jew to request prosecu- 
tion." 42 [Today, this attitude is called "political correct- 
ness." — Ed.] 

This fact is something that Solzhenitsyn brings up in a 
rather reserved way. In reality, how- 
ever, one specific group of citizens 
was authorized to arbitrarily request 
the arrest and trial of anyone for all 
kinds of trivial or predatory reasons, 
and their liquidation. The general 
population had no possibility even to 
defend itself, for that would be death- 
bringing "agitation." 

Subsequent articles of penal law 
provided that propaganda or agitation 
promoters who "stir up national and religious enmity or 
ethnic hatred" — which could include any critical word 
about the party, government or administration — receive 
banishment for many years or a firing squad. [Solzhenit- 
syn received eight years in prison, then with no warning 
three more years of banishment in Kazakhstan — Ed.] 

Merely the possession of "agitational" literature or the 
suspicion of an anti-Semitic attitude could be equated with 
political crimes. Even a presumption sufficed for punish- 
ment. Here is an example of the effect of this law: 

In 1929 a certain I. Silberman deplored in the weekly 
newspaper of the Soviet legal system (issue no. 4) that in 
the People's Courts of the Moscow city government too 
few trials had occurred over anti-Semitism, and in fact 
only 34 in all of Moscow. (This means that every 10 days 
a trial took place somewhere in Moscow because of anti- 
Semitism.) 

The articles in this magazine of the People's Commis- 
sariat had the effect of an official order for its readers, 
which must be kept in mind. 43 



The general expropriation of the entire population in 
favor of an illusory "people's property," the system of gen- 
eral terror, the pervasive vulnerability of every unprivi- 
leged citizen — and as their consequence, arrests without 
measure, deportations into faraway hard labor camp-re- 
gions and liquidations — were an integrated and mandatory 
part of the state ideology of "Marxism-Leninism." These 
historical facts must be acknowledged. 

The Red Terror had begun at the end of 1 9 1 7; however 
it was proclaimed official policy by Lenin only on Sep- 
tember 5,1918. This Red Terror, particularly with the help 
of the Cheka, whose execution excesses hurled the entire 
population across a vast Russia into constant anxiety and 
paroxysms of fright, characterized all periods of Bolshe- 
vism and permeated all its organizational structures. 

But early on, terrible details concerning this terror 
came to the attention of the whole world public. Solzhen- 
itsyn tells us: 



"The Red Terror, whose 

execution excesses hurled 

the entire population of Russia 

into constant anxiety and 

paroxysms of fright, 

characterized all periods 

of Bolshevism. " 



As early as January 1918 there were al- 
ready mass executions under martial law 
without any procedures or court hearings. 
These were followed by hundreds and 
later thousands of innocent hostages being 
seized, executed in mass nighttime shoot- 
ings or loaded on ships and sunk with 
them [aboard]. 44 

There was no place [in the RSFSR, the 
Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic, i.e. the huge 
Russian part of the Soviet Union], where shooting did not 
take place. By means of one verbal instruction [that of 
Cheka head FE. Dzerzhinsky] many thousands of humans 
were condemned to immediate death. 45 

Dzerzhinsky stated in a June 1918 press conference: 

We openly advocate organized terror. . . . Terror, in 
times of revolution, is an absolute necessity. . . . The Cheka 
is obligated to defend the Revolution and destroy the op- 
ponent, even if the sword sometimes touches the heads of 
the innocent." 46 [Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky (1877- 
1926) was a wayward Polish aristocrat and hardened 
Marxist revolutionary.] 

In the bulletin Red Terror of November 1, 1918, and 
then again in the Christmas Day 1918 issue of Pravda, 
Lenin and Dzerzhinsky published without shame their pro- 
letarian principles, which they also implemented every- 
where in Russia. Solzhenitsyn paraphrases: 



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Farmers resisting the robbery of their food and seed for the follow- 
ing year by the requisition commandos of the GPU and the Red Army 
fled from them into the forests. The Bolsheviks had no scruples about 
burning both their villages and their forests. Here several photos are 
shown of refugees from Bolshevik terror and victims of mass deporta- 
tion. The woman at upper right is from Ukraine. 



"Do not search in your investigations for documents 
and evidence that the accused in word or deed has acted 
against Soviet power. The first question you must pose is: 
to which class does he belong, what is his origin, what ed- 
ucation and training has he enjoyed, and what is his occu- 
pation? Those are the questions that must determine the 
fate of the accused. 47 

This terror was a system of rule by approved mass mur- 
der. It took on dimensions never before seen. Referring to 
various Jewish and Russian authors, Solzhenitsyn states 
with respect to September 1918: 

Among the national minorities, it is completely clear 
that in an organization containing many Latvians, and a 
considerable number of Poles, the Jews stand out very dis- 
tinctly, particularly among the responsible persons and ac- 
tive collaborators in the Cheka, among the commissars and 
the investigators. 

For example, of the lead investigators in the commis- 
sariat for fighting counter-revolution, the most important 
structure in the whole Cheka, half were Jews. 48 

Solzhenitsyn describes some details: 



A bloody track of vengeful terror — exclusively venge- 
ful! — went through the land. It was no longer about civil 
war, but instead about the destruction of the beaten oppo- 
nent. In waves the country was hit by raids, searches, new 
raids and arrests. Prison inmates were taken out, cell by 
cell, and shot from the first to the last man with machine- 
gun salvos, since there were too many victims to execute 
with single rifle shots Fifteen- or 16-year-olds were ex- 
ecuted, just as were 60-year-old men. 49 

With the infamous decree "On the Red Terror" of Sep- 
tember 5, 1918, the Bolshevik regime demanded the rein- 
forcement of the Cheka and legalized the Terror officially 
— for example, the arbitrary banishing into concentration 
camps, or shooting, of all "class enemies." In that month 
of September alone, hundreds of executions occurred in 
each of Petrograd, Kronstadt and Moscow. In the autumn 
of 1 9 1 8 the newspapers of the country reported thousands 
of arrests and between 10,000 and 15,000 executions. 50 

Even in the CC [Central Committee] of the Bolsheviks, 
protests were heard against the self-willed actions of the 
over-zealous Cheka, as Solzhenitsyn puts it, "an organiza- 
tion full of criminals, sadists and the degenerate scum of 
society." 51 



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In one of innumerable letters of complaint found in the 
archives of the CC, there is one by a Bolshevik functionary 
denouncing "the blood orgies of Cheka squads" and their 
degeneracy It specifies: 

In this organization contaminated by criminality, vio- 
lence and arbitrariness, where rogues and criminals set the 
tone, men armed to the teeth execute anyone who does not 
please them. They invade homes, they plunder, rape, arrest 
people, pass counterfeit money and demand jugs of wine 
from terrified householders — and then extort from the 
people who just gave them wine 10-20 times the value of 
what they have already stolen to let them alone. 52 

On January 24, 1919 the Bolshevik CC decided "to ex- 
terminate" as a "class enemy" an entire group of people: 
the Cossacks of the Don Valley and Kuban area near the 
Black Sea. 

In the now accessible text of the 
secret resolution we read: 



After the experiences in the civil 
war against the Cossacks one must 
grant that the merciless fight and 
massive terror against the rich Cos- 
sacks, who are to be exterminated 
to the last man and be physically 
destroyed, is the only politically 
correct [Note use of term. — Ed.] measure. In fact, as ad- 
mitted in July of 1919 by Rheingold, who was tasked as 
chairman of the Revolutionary Committee with the imple- 
mentation of the "Bolshevik Command" in the Cossack 
region, "we tended toward a policy of wanting to com- 
pletely exterminate the Cossacks without any differentia- 
tion. In the few weeks between mid-February and the end 
of March 1919, Bolshevik special units executed more 
than 8,000 Cossacks. In each Cossack area, "Revolution- 
ary Tribunals" operating under martial law passed out cap- 
ital sentences on long lists of suspects after deliberations 
of a few minutes each — usually for counterrevolutionary 
behavior. 53 

Cheka chairman Dzerzhinsky set up special task forces 
for military security and, on March 16, 1919, he was 
named People's Commissar of the Interior. Revolts by 
workers, soldiers and farmers — a result of rural food con- 
fiscations — were smashed with the most brutal measures. 
Just in March-April 1919 between 3,000 and 5,000 hu- 
mans were executed in Tula and the city of Astrakhan near 



"One must grant that the 

merciless fight and massive 

terror against the rich 

Cossacks, who are to be 

exterminated to the last man, 

is the only politically 

correct measure. " 



the Volga. Here Solzhenitsyn describes it: 

Hundreds [of victims] with stones hung around their 
necks were marched onto barges and thrown into the 
Volga. Between the 12th and 14th of March, 1919 [the 
Cheka] shot and drowned between 2,000 and 4,000 work- 
ers and "mutineers." Starting on the 15th, repression also 
hit the bourgeoisie of the city. They supposedly had in- 
spired the resistance by the "White Guard" [anti-Bolshe- 
viks— Ed.]. 54 

There were, however, many different kinds of assign- 
ments for the Cheka: in 1919 over 3 million Red Army sol- 
diers took along their weapons and deserted into the 
forests. About 500,000 were caught. The Cheka arranged 
not to only shoot thousands, but to arrest and deport their 
relatives as hostages. Whole villages were burned down. 
The Black Book of Communism 
enumerates on page 121 the thousands 
killed in individual cities of south Rus- 
sia by the Cheka in the year 1919. 

This "new morality" was described 
by the Kiev [Ukraine] Cheka in its 
newspaper Krasny Mech ("Red 
Sword") of August 18, 1919: 



We reject the old systems of morality 
and humanity. They were invented by the 
bourgeoisie to suppress and exploit the lower classes. 
Our morality is without previous models, and our hu- 
manity absolute, because it is based on a new ideal: to 
destroy any form of oppression and force. . . . For us 
everything is permitted, because we are first in the world 
to raise the sword, not for suppression and enslavement, 

but to release humans from their chains Blood? May 

it may flow in rivers! Because only blood can transform 
the black banner of the piratical bourgeoisie into a red 
flag, the flag of the Revolution. Because only the final 
death of the old world can protect us permanently from 
the return of the jackals. 55 

In a decree of May 12, 1920, Lenin, with his leadership 
team, approved all of this. 56 

Against the terror and the radical requisitioning of 
grain and livestock and other plundering by Cheka special 
units, farmers fought back in hundreds of ferocious rebel- 
lions. A civil war lasting several years was the result. 

The suppressive methods of the Cheka became ever 
more brutal. The Black Book of Communism continues: 



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"Hundreds of villages were burned down and 'bandits,' de- 
serters and hostages were put to death." 57 

An announcement by the Cheka of October 1920 for 
the Kuban area [near the Black Sea] read: 

Cossack settlements and other localities that have given 
haven to the Whites or the Greens [insurgent farmer's as- 
sociations, whom the linguistic usage of the Bolsheviks 
otherwise called "bandits"] are being destroyed, whole 
adult populations shot and all property seized. 

After the retreat by [the White] General Peter Wrangel 
between October and December 1920, the Crimean Penin- 
sula was called the "All-Russian cemetery." (According to 
varying estimations between 120,000 and 150,000 human 
beings were shot.) In Sevastopol they not only shot, but 
also hanged and not dozens but hundreds. Nachim Avenue 
was decorated up and down with swinging corpses. . . . 
People were arrested on the street and executed on the spot 
without any procedure. The terror in the Crimea persisted 
right into the year 1921. 58 

The Black Book of Communism goes on: "The Cos- 
sacks, once again on the side of the losers, were exposed 
anew to the Red Terror." 

The Latvian Karl Lander, one of the prominent lead- 
ers of the Cheka, was appointed as "commander of the 
northern Caucasus and the Don Valley Province." He in- 
troduced the "troikas," special three-judge courts as- 
signed to de-kulakization [farm collectivization]. Just in 
the month of October 1920 these troikas condemned 
more than 6,000 human beings to death. They were all 
immediately executed. 

Relatives of the condemned, and sometimes the neigh- 
bors of the "green partisans" [anti-Bolshevik peasants] and 
the Cossacks who had revolted against the regime, who 
had not previously been seized, were now systematically 
kidnapped as hostages and put into concentration camps, 
into true death camps, as Martin Latsis, boss of the Ukrain- 
ian Cheka, admitted in one of his reports: 

The hostages — women, children and old people — were 
driven together in a camp near Maikop [a city on the north- 
ern edge of the Caucasus Mountains] and vegetated there 
under the most terrible conditions in the mud and in the 
October cold. . . . They died like flies." 59 

In view of the famine Bolshevik terror had caused in al- 
most all parts of Russia, Lenin ordered the introduction in 
March 1921 of his "New Economic Policy" (NEP) with 
private property and businesses for the farmers. But the 
arbitrary rule by the Cheka was not terminated. 




VLADIMIR LENIN 

The German general staff executed in 1917 its ill-conceived 
scheme to win the war by injecting Vladimir Lenin— with the 
ultimate in unforeseen consequences for the German nation 
and the entire West— into czarist Russia. The Reichsbahn 
brought him in a sealed train from Switzerland, with other Bol- 
sheviks, across Germany to the Baltic. Then they took a ferry 
to Sweden and from there entered Finland (then still part of 
the Russian Empire, but German-occupied) to get into Russia. 
The bald Lenin disguised himself— with wig and without 
beard— as "Vilen." Was this a pun by Lenin on the word "vil- 
lain"? Or was it in reference to the concept of "serf" or "peas- 
ant," as the root of the word implies? "Lenin's Hanging Order" 
documents that Lenin himself ordered terror. The text is as 
follows: "Send [this telegram] to Penza [a picturesque city 
near the Volga River] to Comrades Kurayev, Bosh, Minkin and 
other Penza communists. Comrades! The revolt by the five 
kulak [free peasant] counties must be suppressed without 
mercy. The interests of the entire revolution demand this, be- 
cause before us now is our final decisive battle with the ku- 
laks. We need to set an example. 1 ) You need to hang (and 
hang without fail, so that the public sees) at least 100 notori- 
ous kulaks, rich people and other bloodsuckers. 2) Publish 
their names. 3) Take away all of their grain. 4) Execute the 
hostages— in accordance with yesterday's telegram. This 
needs to be accomplished in such a way that people for hun- 
dreds of miles around will see, tremble, know— and scream 
out: 'Let's choke and strangle those bloodsucking kulaks.' 
Telegraph us acknowledging receipt and implementation of 
this. Yours, Lenin. PS. Use your toughest people for this." 



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The Black Book of Communism further notes: 

Cheka head Felix Dzerzhinsky, named on March 16, 
1919 as People's Commissar of the Interior, appeared as a 
plenipotentiary in Siberia in December 1921 to exact taxes 
and food from the locals. He sent out "roving revolution- 
ary tribunals" through the villages in order to condemn 
anyone, in instant proceedings, to prison, concentration 
camp or death who did not surrender whatever the tri- 
bunals demanded. Concerning their excessive encroach- 
ments, an "inspektor" from Omsk complained on Feb. 14, 
1922: "The encroachments of these confiscation comman- 
dos have reached an inconceivable extent. Systematically, 
the arrested farmers are locked into unheated stockrooms, 
subjected to the whip and threatened with execution. 
Those who have not completely fulfilled their delivery 
quota are bound and marched 
naked down the main streets of the 
villages. Then they are shut up in an 
unheated stockroom. Many women 
have been beaten, struck into un- 
consciousness. They are being 
pushed naked into snow pits." 60 

Despite the bad harvest of 1920, 
that year saw 10 million pud 
[180,000 tons] of food seized. The 
entire food supply, including seed 
for the next harvest, was confis- 
cated. By January 1921 many farmers already had nothing 
more to eat and by February the death rate had already 
begun to rise. 

According to reports by the Cheka and the military in- 
formation service the famine had spread by 1919 to many 
regions. During the year 1920 the situation worsened more 
and more. . . . 

For the little people it was obvious that Soviet power 
wanted every farmer who dared oppose them to starve. 61 

Solzhenitsyn asks the question: "How is it to be ex- 
plained that the population of Russia, taken altogether, re- 
garded all this as 'the Jewish terror'"? 62 

He points to the persons in responsibility during the 
grain requisitioning, the crushing of the farmer rebellions, 
the mass murders of the Cossacks, the shooting of prison 
inmates in Kiev — "the best of the Russians." 63 

He refers to Jewish Chekists at the top [Vol. I, Russian 
Jewish History: 1795-1916, p. 140], and quotes from a 
document about the Cheka in the Ukrainian capital of 
Kiev: 



"Those who have not fulfilled 

their delivery quota are bound 

and marched naked down the 

main streets of the villages. 

Then they are shut up in an 

unheated stockroom. They are 

pushed naked into snow pits. " 



The number of the Chekists varies between 150 and 
300. .. . The proportional relationship of Jewish to other 
Cheka personnel was 3 to 1, while the leading positions 
were in Jewish hands (14 of 20). 

Solzhenitsyn quotes the slogan of a worker strike in 
Moscow from February 1921: "Down with the commu- 
nists and the Jews!" 

Then Solzhenitsyn supplies the answer to his own 
question: "It seemed as if not only the Bolshevik Jews had 
chosen their side in the civil war, the Red side, but appar- 
ently all of Jewry." 64 

Not only in the beginnings with the Cheka and the GPU 
(Felix Dzerzhinsky, then 1920-1924 G. Yagoda), but later in 
1934 with the NKVD (People's Commissariat for Internal 
Affairs of Yagoda, Yeshov and Beria), Jews gained "an in- 
creasing role in the apparatus," 65 in- 
cluding also their foreign (espionage) 
departments. Solzhenitsyn proves this 
with numerous names. 66 

Solzhenitsyn does not omit Lenin's 
continuing endorsement of terror by 
as late as the year 1922: 



The national plague of "de-kulakiza- 
tion" left not just thousands — but millions 
— of farmers with neither a right to their 
residence nor even a right to their life. But 
Soviet writers — among them not a few Jews — expended 
not one syllable decrying this ice-cold destruction of the 
Russian peasantry. In this silence they were joined by the 
whole West. ... [In the West, Jewish control of the press 
and Hollywood was — and still is — nearly total. — Ed.] 

This benevolent commentary is taken from Life maga- 
zine of July 14, 1941, one month after the beginning of 
Germany's Russian campaign and during the continuing 
American support for the USSR. 

In Stuart Kahan's biography of his uncle we read some- 
thing different: 

As Stalin's brother-in-law and closest collaborator, he 
was one of the most powerful and dangerous men in the 
world, an executioner with the blood of 20 million people 
sticking to his hand. He also organized the gruesome per- 
secution of his own ethnic group in Stalin's kingdom. 
[Lazar Kaganovich "was responsible for the death of an 
entire generation of intellectuals and the personal signer of 
execution orders for 36,000 people. — Ed.] 67 



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Solzhenitsyn adds: 

Fifteen million, declared non- 
citizens as "enemies of the state," 
were not merely robbed of such 
things as the chance to study, the 
right to obtain a doctorate, or eli- 
gibility to work for the state, but 
their farms were ruined and they 
were shoved together like cattle 
and deported to their destruction 
in the taiga and the tundra. Among 
the fanaticized urban activists 
streaming out into the countryside 
were Jews, enthusiastically carry- 
ing out the collectivization of agri- 
culture and leaving behind visible 
and terrible memories. . . . 68 

The prevailing mentality (of the 
mob) was described by "historian" 
Wassili Grossman, whose bias is ap- 
parent when he writes: 




They are insane, under a spell, 
they threaten with guns, call the 
children "kulak bitches' brood," 
scream "bloodsuckers"-the fe- 
male is lower than a louse, they 
view these humans whom they are 
about to "de-kulakize" as cattle, 
pigs — everything is revolting about kulaks — they have no 
individuality, no soul — the kulaks stink and have venereal 
disease but mostly they are "enemies of the people" who 
exploit others. 

And from the Black Book of Communism'. 

Within a few years, from 1928 to 1931, 138,000 civil 
servants were removed from public service. Of them, 
23,000 were classified under "Category I," "enemies of 

Soviet power," and lost their civil rights From January 

1930 to June 193 1, 48% of the engineers in the Donets re- 
gion were dismissed or arrested; in the transportation sec- 
tor alone, 4,500 "sabotage specialists" were "exposed." 

A decree of December 12, 1930 enumerated more than 
30 categories of people from whom citizenship rights were 
withdrawn: "former landowners, former traders, former 
nobles, former policemen, officials who worked under the 



LAVRENTY BERIA 

Lavrenty Pavlov Beria, by 1921 already in his 
young years a feared and prominent perpe- 
trator in the GPU in the merciless crushing of 
countless rebellions by workers, soldiers and 
farmers (also in his native Georgia), was from 
1931 until 1936 First Party Secretary in Trans- 
caucasia and Georgia. In 1934 he became a 
member of the CC (Central Committee) and 
in 1938 People's Commissar of the NKVD. 
He is considered responsible for the shooting 
of over 1 5,000 Polish officers held prisoner in 
April-May 1940 in the forest of Katyn and two 
other places. In 1945 he became marshal of 
the Soviet Union and in 1946 deputy prime 
minister and a member of the Politburo. After 
Stalin's death, he was shot as a traitor on 
Dec. 23, 1953. 



czars, former kulaks, former lessors or 
owners of private enterprises, former of- 
ficers of the White Army, clergymen, 
monks and nuns, former members of the 
political parties" etc. 69 

Including their family members, 
about 7 million human beings were 
affected by this, losing not only the 
right to vote but also their right to an 
apartment, to medications, to food 
rations and, after passage of a new 
"internal passport" law, the right to 
move to another place. 

After the law of August 7, 1932 
was issued, "for each theft or waste 
of socialist property" — such as the 
gathering of ears of corn from al- 
ready harvested fields — merely be- 
tween August 1932 and December 
1933, more than 125,000 humans 
were convicted, and of them 5,400 
were condemned to death. 70 

And from Solzhenitsyn's The 
Jews in the Soviet Union: 

The number of farmers who flooded 
into Soviet cities fleeing from collec- 
tivization and "de-kulakization" be- 
tween 1928 and 1932 has been esti- 
mated at some 12 million. 71 



Lazar Kaganovich, Genrikh Yagoda and Vyacheslav 
Molotov pushed their requisition commandos out into the 
countryside. Soon thereafter, in 1932-33, 5 or 6 million 
humans died like animals of hunger in Russia and Ukraine, 
right on the edge of Europe. "But the free press of the free 
world maintained its perfect silence! 72 

A not inconsiderable number of Jewish communists 
had made themselves lords of life and death over the coun- 
tryside. It should surprise no one that this has stuck in the 
memory of those millions affected throughout the Ukraine, 
the Volga and Urals areas of Russia, on the Crimean Penin- 
sula and elsewhere in Russia. Solzhenitsyn's The Jews in 
the Soviet Union explains: 

Yet another colleague of many years' duration of NY. 
Yeshov [appointed people's commissar of the interior in 
September 1936] was Isaac Shapiro. He functioned after 



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1934 as Yeshov's adviser, then as the director of the NKVD 
secretariat, then as head of the "Special Section" of the 
GUGB (another infamous part of the state security appa- 
ratus). In December 1936, of the 10 directors of the Soviet 
agencies for state security marked with code numbers, 
seven are Jews. 73 

Solzhenitsyn also enumerates the Jewish names direct- 
ing the "National Camp Administration" (Gulag): 

Yes, there too there was a large portion of Jews. The 
photo portraits I have reproduced from the Soviets' own 
self-congratulatory book of 1936 [shown in The GULAG 
Archipelago] of the leadership of the White Sea-Baltic Sea 
Canal project have provoked much outrage; it is said I had 
selected only Jewish faces. But I made no selections. I 
simply ran the photographs of all the highest directors of 
the White Sea-Baltic Sea labor camp from this immortal 
work. Whose choice and whose 
guilt is it if all were Jews? 74 



Solzhenitsyn dug out many more 
names and stressed in his book that 
this camp administrative machinery 
stayed hidden from the public, be- 
cause of (among other reasons) con- 
stant transfers of personnel, in spite of 
incredible distances across the USSR. 
Therefore, only after the collapse of 
Soviet rule in 1990 could the personnel situation gradually 
and fragmentarily be clarified. However, this is his con- 
clusion: 

Among these regional rulers ["district" and "regional" 
authorities of the GPU and the NKVD], there were still 
many Jews throughout the entire 1930s who decided ques- 
tions of life or death for each inhabitant. 75 

The GPU and/or NKVD also disposed of special mil- 
itary units, including artillery, tanks and air squadrons, and 
in addition their own troops watching the borders and the 
railroads; others conducted the transports of forced labor- 
ers and guarded forced labor colonies. Beyond even that, 
these security agencies maintained their own special sub- 
units within all Red Army units above battalion strength 
and within the military academies. 

Regarding the methods of Red terror, Solzhenitsyn 
refers to two cases that recently have again become known: 

a) The poison-injecting professor Gregory Mayra- 



"Over the course of the trip, 

the gases were conducted into 

the back compartment of the 

truck in such a way that upon 

arrival at the shooting ditch, 

those arrested were already 

taken care of " 



novsky, to whose "NKVD Laboratory X," beginning in 
1937 (with "X" being the "special department for opera- 
tional technology") those "condemned to death for exper- 
imental purposes" were supplied. Each door of the five 
cells for experiments on humans had a peephole with a 
magnifying lens. 76 

In 1951 he was arrested, but not for his crimes; instead 
it was because of what he knew. 

b) The "poison gas wagons" that were the "invention" 
of Isaiah Davidovich Berg in 1936, and which were put 
into active service by the NKVD. 

Solzhenitsyn details this in his The Jews in the Soviet 
Union: 

Berg was the director of the economics department of 
the NKVD in the Moscow area. Here one can see how im- 
portant it is to also know about those who did not sit in the 
highest positions at all. . . . Berg transported (as ordered) 
people for shooting. But when, in the 
Moscow area three "troikas" of death-sen- 
tences became busy at the same time, the 
work began to overwhelm the shooting 
squads. Then the idea occurred to some- 
one to strip the victims, bind and gag 
them, and throw them into a closed truck, 
which was camouflaged as a bread deliv- 
ery van. Over the course of the trip . . . 
gases were conducted into the back com- 
partment of the truck in such a way that 
upon arrival at the shooting ditch, those arrested were al- 
ready "taken care of." 

Let it be noted that Berg was shot himself shortly there- 
after, in 1939 — not because of these monstrosities, but in- 
stead after an indictment for "conspiracy." In 1956 ... he 
was rehabilitated, although at that time the history of his 
invention of said toxic gas wagons was clearly noted in his 
file — a notation that has stayed in there right up to our 
times, when it was discovered by journalists. 77 

After the Soviet occupation of the Baltic in the year 
1940, one Kaplan, as the NKVD boss of the Duena area, 
ravaged it so much that, Solzhenitsyn says, "in 1941, right 
after the departure of the [retreating] Soviet troops and 
even before the Germans arrived, the rage of the popula- 
tion unloaded itself against the Jews like an explosion. 75 

For the "Red Terror," The Black Book of Communism 
draws up the following balance, whose figures, in relation 
to numerous other estimations, are "starkly reduced": "In 
the years 1919 and 1920 the Red Terror in Russia either 



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Stalin's 'Work to Death' Camps 

Make no mistake about the gulags: they were not "work forever" camps. They were "work 
to death" camps, designed to liquidate the occupants. Millions were sent to die in them. 
At left, top to bottom: 1.) Workers labor by hand in sub-zero temperatures somewhere 
in the gulag. Life for many was short in the camps. 2.) A man wields a sledge hammer 
as another holds a spike as a crew works on a railroad bridge. 3.) A long line of workers 
is shown stretching almost to the horizon. They are working laying railroad tracks through 
a particularly remote area of Russia. Above, inmates worked in bitter conditions. Here a 
man pushes a wheelbarrow laden with rocks through a dense ice fog. 



murdered or deported between 300,000 and 500,000 vic- 
tims/' 79 

This number includes those massacred by the Bolshe- 
viks during the overwhelming of the White Army of Gen- 
eral Wrangel on the Crimea around the end of October 
1920. By the end of December, just in this one region the 
Bolsheviks murdered approximately 50,000 civilians. 80 

The number Solzhenitsyn specifies of 120,000 to 
150,000 total victims, including those of the "de-Cossack- 
ization" of the Don, Caucasus and Kuban areas, signifies 
only those human beings actually killed. 81 

But what is not considered in arriving at these numbers 
are conditions — such as starvation, cold and disease — 
caused by the Bolsheviks during the civil war, which them- 
selves caused the death, according to Stuart Kahan, the 
Jewish nephew of Lazar Kaganovich, of approximately 9 
million human beings. 82 

As a consequence of the Bolshevik agricultural policy 
and the resulting civil war, in particular in the Volga area, 
central Russia and Siberia, about 5 million humans suc- 
cumbed to a horrific food crisis in 1921 and 1922. 83 Of the 
30 million human beings in the hunger area, many were 



saved only by foreign assistance. 

Just in the few days between August 29 and September 
5, 1924, the Cheka shot 12,578 human beings. 84 There is 
no record of any Jews having been shot. 

In place of a still-lacking total figure for Cheka mur- 
ders in connection with the "de-kulakization campaign," it- 
self a part of the obligatory collectivization phase of 
1927-1930, there exists a confidential GPU report of Feb. 
15, 1930 sent to the people's commissar of the interior at 
that time, Genrikh Yagoda. By discussing the execution of 
his Order No. 44/21, it reveals to us the language used at 
the time and the methods of Bolshevik state terror. The re- 
port proudly states: 

As for the liquidations — both individuals taken out of 
circulation and mass operations — we arrive at a total figure 
of 64,589. In the preparatory measures, there were 52,166 
liquidations (those of individuals), and 12,423 through 
mass operations. In just a few days our "production quota" 
was exceeded, i.e., 60,000 kulaks of the first category. 

Solzhenitsyn says they were targeted for "counterrev- 



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olutionary activity and for being farmers who owned prop- 
erty." 85 Against Jews there were no Cheka pogroms. 
And from The Black Book of Communism: 

From February 1930 to December 1931, more than 
1,800,000 de-kulakized persons [farmers stripped of their 
farms] were deported to camps. When on January 1, 1932 
the authorities carried out their first major head-count, only 
1,317,022 persons were registered. The loss was thus about 

one-half million The number of those who succeeded in 

escaping was surely high. 

. . . Starting in the summer of 193 1 the GPU bore exclu- 
sive responsibility for the deportees, who were now called 
"special colonists." ... For 1932 the Gulag administration re- 
ported the arrival of 71,236 new deportees, and for 1933 an 

influx of 268,091 new special settlers was registered In 

1933, the year of the Great Famine, the authorities an- 
nounced 151,601 deaths from among 
the 1,142,022 special colonists. 86 



The farm collectivization, the "de- 
kulakization," the requisitioning raids, 
the stripping of citizenship rights and 
the sudden flight of 12 million rural 
inhabitants into the cities, which in- 
cluded the planned famine disasters 
from Ukraine to Kazakhstan, cost at 
least 6 million human lives. 

That did not prevent the Soviet 
leadership from spreading a mantle of silence over this 
crime and at the same time, in order to have funds for the 
purchase of foreign industrial goods, from exporting 1.8 
million metric tons of wheat. 87 

According to official investigations which Nikita 
Khrushchev successfully urged at the XXIInd Party Con- 
gress in 1958, just in 1937-1938 the NKVD arrested 
1,575,000 persons. Of these, 1,345,000 were condemned, 
and of these, 681,692 were executed. 88 In reality the death 
number was very much higher; through malnutrition and 
physical weakening in the Gulag camps, the death rate be- 
came 10 times that of the shooting rate. 89 We learn just 
from the minutes of a meeting of the Politburo of Feb. 17, 
1938 the following: 

The NKVD in Ukraine is hereby permitted to arrest an 
additional number of kulaks and other anti-Soviet ele- 
ments and to have the matter handled by the troikas. The 
NKVD contingent in the Ukrainian SSR is hereby also in- 
creased to 30,000. 90 



"The sudden forced flight of 

12 million rural inhabitants 

into the cities, which included 

the planned famine disasters 

from Ukraine to Kazakhstan, 

cost at least 6 million 

human lives. " 



This repression also victimized 35,020 military offi- 
cers, up into the highest ranks of the Red Army. The total 
number of executed officers is still not known; some of 
those arrested were only removed from the Red Army, and 
of them some were later reused during the war. Three of 
the five field marshals were sentenced to death, as were 
13 of the 15 army generals, 8 of the 9 admirals, 50 of the 
57 commanding generals, 154 of the 186 division generals, 
and as for the [political] commissars, all 16 army commis- 
sars and 25 of the 28 commissars of army corps were ex- 
ecuted. 91 

These "cleansing waves" crashed over not only the 
party but even one-third of the people's commissars and 
half the deputy ministers. 92 Just as affected were business- 
men, the intelligentsia and many others. Researchers in 
KGB files have found 383 central lists with 44,000 names 
on them, to which 39,000 notations "dead" are attached, 93 
the result of quick work by "troikas" 
consisting of district attorneys, 
NKVD and police chiefs who con- 
demned people to death according to 
quotas they had to meet. 94 "The scum 
that has seeped into the organs of state 
security" was an expression by the 
NKVD's new boss, N. Yeshov, who 
followed his own victims into death 
by bullet two years later, in 1938, as 
did approximately 21,000 other 



scum. 



"95 



Confirmed deaths: 300,000 in the camps between 1934 
and 1940; by considering the years 1930-33, for which 
there are no exact numbers, there were probably 400,000 
deaths for the entire decade. 

To this figure we must add approximately 600,000 
more who perished en route during the deportation. 96 

A total of 7 million human beings were delivered to the 
Gulag's camps and work colonies during the years 1934- 
1941. For the years 1930-1933, no exact numbers are 
known. 97 

On Jan. 1, 1940 there were 1,670,000 prisoners in the 
53 "labor camps for reeducation" and in the 425 "work 
colonies for reeducation." One year later there were 
1,930,000. In the prisons about 200,000 human beings 
awaited their conviction or transportation into a camp. 98 

The difference between 7 and 1 .65 million prisoners is 
not explained. It likely is composed of the deceased, re- 
leased prisoners, escapees and denizens of yet further 
camps and "those deported beyond the camp fences," who 
were assigned to hard labor as "special settlers," as 



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The Katyn Forest Massacres 

In April 1943 in the forest by Katyn, close to 
Smolensk, the mass graves of over 4,500 
Polish officers, murdered with a shot to the 
nape of the neck, were shown to the interna- 
tional public. It was one of three crime 
scenes. At the other two, over 10,000 more 
Polish officers had been likewise murdered at 
the same time. These two sites were only dis- 
covered after the end of the war. The Western 
ruling powers knew that all traces of these of- 
ficers in the Soviet camps Kosielsk, Staro- 
bielsk and Ostashkov had been lost since 
April-May 1940, and that the mass murderers 
were their Soviet allies. Nevertheless the 
guilty parties participated in the horror-show 
of the "Soviet Commission of Inquiry" that was 
created one year later by the Soviets and 
lasted beyond the Nuremberg "War Crimes" 
Trials of 1946, and charged the Germans with 
this mass crime, ignoring all the proof that had 
been available in abundance since 1943. 



Solzhenitsyn referred to them. 

There were twice as many as these — or even many 
more." 

Yet uncounted in all of this are the half- free roaming 
vagabond prisoners. 

"The 1,800 Kommandanturas of the NKVD adminis- 
tered more than 1,200,000 "special settlers." 100 

In two other historical investigations the judgment of 
Stalin's "worker and peasant paradise" is as follows: 

a) "A conservative estimate of the number of arrests in 
the years 1937 and 1938 is about 7 million and, if one as- 
sumes that in early 1937 5 million were behind bars or 
barbed wire, by the end of 1 939 one would arrive at a total 
number of 12 million had there not been shootings, starva- 
tions and death by exhaustion. About 2 million will have 
died off during their detention — and about 10% of the ar- 
rested 5 million or more were shot each year, which for 
1937-1938 would produce the figure of around 1 million 
killed by bullets. 

As we are told by Ronald Hingley in The Russian Secret 
Police 1565-1970: "By this calculation, at the end of 1938 
there must have been about 9 million humans in detention, of 
them 8 million in concentration camps and over 1 million in 
various prisons." 101 

b) "Thus, over the period of obligatory collectivization 
beginning in 1929 and the carefully planned and organized 
hunger holocaust of 1932-1933 that worsened it, and the 
concealed genocide of the Ukrainian people, various esti- 



mates and demographic investigations agree that between 
7 million and 10 million human beings were eliminated. 
The mass shootings of so-called 'people's enemies' that 
began in the early 1930s and culminated in the hysteria of 
the 'Great Purge' of 1937-1939, robbed yet another 5 to 7 
million human beings of their life. 

According to Joachim Hoffman, "and about another 1 
million people died as a result of the annexation of eastern 
Poland and the Baltic republics between 1939 and 1941 ." 102 

Hoffman adds, "The mortality rate stayed enormous in 
the 80 big concentration camp complexes and the "hun- 
dreds of single camps." Just in the concentration camp of 
Kolyma [in far northeastern Siberia], at least 3 million 
human beings perished from the terrible living conditions 
and temperatures as low as -60 degrees C." 103 

A sum total of 40 million Bolshevik terror victims 
1917-1941 is now generally considered realistic. 

Solzhenitsyn tells us, however, '"by the computations of 
the emigrated statistics professor Kurganov, this 'relatively 
light' suppression that ran from the beginning of the Oc- 
tober Revolution through 1950 cost us [Russians] about 
66 million human lives." [GULAG Archipelago, p. 37] 

"In the year 1939 there were 8.5 million Soviet citizens, 
or 9% of the adult population of the USSR in concentra- 
tion camps and prisons." 104 

"This can be said with certainty: on the eve of the war 
with Germany (1941), 20% of the work performed in the 
Soviet Union was forced labor." 105 ♦ 



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Pogroms in the Russian Civil War 



Solzhenitsyn does not stint on criticism of pogroms 
during the Russian civil war time, especially in 
Ukraine, which changed overlords several times 
(White Guardists, Ukrainian Independentists, the 
Kaiser's German troops and Bolsheviks). However, he cor- 
rects erroneous historical representations that claim that 
the pogroms provoked the subsequent acts of revenge by 
the Cheka: 

The sequence of events was exactly the opposite: The 
80% [of the Cheka in Kiev who were Jews] had already 
belonged to the Cheka since 1918 or early 1919, whereas 
the wave of the "Petlyura pogroms" only began during the 
year 1919 and the pogroms by the Whites began only in 
the autumn of that same year. 106 

After "the government of independent Ukraine" and 
their party leadership had decided on January 11, 1918 to 
separate their country from Russia, and evacuated Kiev 
for Shitomir as the Bolsheviks advanced, the very numer- 
ous Jews living in Kiev went over immediately to the Reds 
with their "class terror." When evaluating all the events 
that followed, it remains essential to remember that public 
calls for mass murder and "class terror" were issued exclu- 
sively by the Bolshevik side. 

On February 9, 1918, Germany officially made peace 
with Ukraine in the treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and with Rus- 
sia on March 3, 1918. 

In a supplementary agreement of August 27 of that 
year, the Bolsheviks recognized the national independence 
of Ukraine, Finland and the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia 
and Lithuania. 

One month of Bolshevik rule had sufficed to release 
enormous revenge feelings among Ukrainians when, as a 
consequence of the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty, the national 
government was able to return to its capital, Kiev, in Feb- 
ruary 1918. 

While returning militias composed of farmers and Cos- 
sacks seized and shot the "Yid commissars," ironically, it 
was the German occupation troops who, as Solzhenitsyn 
says in his The Jews in the Soviet Union, "had an open ear 
for the needs of the Jewish population in the spring of 1 9 1 8 
in Kiev." 107 Solzhenitsyn adds: 

This group was by no means insignificant: in 1919 
Jews were 21% of the inhabitants of Kiev. The Zionists 
were able to be active without hindrance under the hetman 



[head of the Ukrainian national government]; they held an 
election for their own provisional "Jewish national assem- 
bly" and a Jewish national secretariat. 108 

Under German occupation the Ukrainian government 
not only appointed a Jew as a government minister, but also 
granted unfettered political freedom to the Jewish home- 
land movement. It was only after the departure of German 
troops and the return of the Simon Vasilyevich Petlyura di- 
rectorate from Vinnitsa to Kiev in December 1918 that a 
"civil war"-like situation arose against the Jews. 

Solzhenitsyn adds, "the Jews were blamed for all the 
victories of the Bolsheviks." 109 The excesses against 
Ukrainian Jews under the Petlyura government (Solzhen- 
itsyn mentions an abundance of place names and dates) 110 
caused not only terror and mass flight, but also a stronger 
movement toward the Bolsheviks. 

Solzhenitsyn says in The Jews in the Soviet Union: 

Between December 1918 and August 1919 combat 
forces led by Petlyura organized dozens of pogroms, dur- 
ing which, according to data compiled by a commission of 
the International Red Cross, about 50,000 persons were 
killed. The largest pogrom took place on February 15, 
1919 in Proskurov . . . after a failed Bolshevik attempt to 
overthrow the local government. 111 

An American researcher attributed this civil war situa- 
tion less to government policy and more to, as Solzhenit- 
syn affirms, "independent reactions by the people 
themselves and especially the farmers." Armed bands were 
arbitrarily doing as they pleased in the countryside. 

The White Guardists who served under the generals 
Peter Wrangel and Anthony Denikin had volunteered to 
help free Russia from the Bolsheviks; they quickly devel- 
oped a fundamentally anti-Semitic attitude after they real- 
ized that Red forces had been commanded by Jewish 
commissars, 112 although their generals endeavored — often 
in vain — to prevent excesses by their troops. 

The history of the Russian civil war is characterized by 
the fact that after the Bolsheviks imposed an absolute in- 
formation blackout toward the outside world, as exclu- 
sively as possible all writing on this conflict has been done 
either by foreign or domestic Jews. As interested parties, 
both these sources are fundamentally unreliable in the data 
they furnish. Therefore it is extraordinarily difficult if not 



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VICTIMS OF THE RED TERROR 




impossible to ascertain exact numbers and the circum- 
stances. Accordingly, victim numbers from the pogroms 
during the Russian civil war vary between 70,000 and 
200,000. 

There were supposedly 900 mass pogroms, 40% car- 
ried out by Petlyura followers under the Ukrainian Direc- 
torate, 25% by Ukrainian gangs, 17% by enlisted soldiers 
under General Denikin and 8.5% by the First Cavalry 
Army of the Bolshevik General Semyon Budyonny 

The Reds committed pogroms against Jews earlier than 

anyone else In the first winter of Bolshevik rule, troops 

fighting under the red banner committed a number of 
bloody pogroms, of which those in Ukraine in Glukhov 
and Novgorod Seversky particularly stood out because of 
the large number of victims, the raw and deliberate acts of 
violence, and the base humiliations perpetrated on those 
being tormented; as such, they dwarfed even the atrocious 
pogrom at Kalush [in western Ukraine, by non-Bolshevik 
Russian army troops in July 1917]. .. . Units of the Red 
Army who were retreating from Ukraine in spring 1918 
carried out pogroms with the battle call: "Smash the Yids 
and the bourgeoisie!" 

Particularly cruel pogroms were perpetrated by the 
First Cavalry Army while retreating from Poland at the end 
of August 1920. In the vast spaces of Russia, in the begin- 
ning the Reds had no idea who were the virtuous poor and 
the evil rich. The Zionist Arno Lustiger noted that the Jew- 



Mass Murder Across Russia 

As they would do years later in World War II, when the Bolsheviks 
retreated from a city, they murdered their prisoners. Clockwise from 
upper left: 1 .) Estonian victims of Red torture and murder. 2.) Victims 
of the GPU in Riga. 3.) Kiev, Ukraine, 1919; here are exhumed vic- 
tims of the Cheka from Building No. 5 of the Sadovaya, their central 
headquarters. 4.) Cannibalism resulted from deliberate starvation. 
Shown is the head of an alleged victim of cannibalism. 

ish Bolsheviks did not spare their non-Bolshevik brothers 
in the faith, who had not crossed over, and inflicted bloody 
and cruel persecution on them. 113 

Solzhenitsyn again is quoted from The Jews in the So- 
viet Union: 

Their path was marked by thousands of killed Jews, 
thousands of raped women and dozens of Jewish localities 
in which everything was robbed that was not riveted or 
nailed down. ... In Zhitomir, Ukraine every new con- 
queror of the city as it changed hands inaugurated his rule 
with a pogrom. All these pogroms — whether done by Pet- 
lyura, the Poles or the Soviets — were distinguished by a 
considerable number of killings. 114 

The total number of pogrom victims from the civil war 
of 1917-1923 is likely "not under 100,000." 115 

Solzhenitsyn concludes this chapter with a review of 
the causative factor of unrestrained procedures by com- 
munist revolutionaries, who had gone over to the extermi- 
nation of whole classes and the expropriation of the entire 
people, robbing everything, plundering, burning and anni- 



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hilating anyone who seemed to stand in their way. This 
lack of restraint and the associated banditry unleashed sim- 
ilarly unrestrained counter-moves on other fronts of the 
civil war. 

These should actually be designated one and all as rev- 
olutionary excrescences that affected every part of the pop- 



ulation instead of applying the special label "pogrom" to 
any one subpopulation. The genocidal measures taken by 
the Red revolutionaries were an ideologically cloaked, con- 
tinuous sequence of pogroms against everyone else. 

Simeon Petlyura, by the way, fell victim to a GPU hit 
man in Paris in 1926. ♦ 



Considerable Fluctuation Movements in the 20th Century 



Solzhenitsyn assigned special importance to the 
Soviet Jewish migration during the 1920s from 
their rural domiciles into the large cities of Rus- 
sia. Only this made possible their intensified col- 
laboration in the power centers of the new regime. 
According to Solzhenitsyn in The Jews in the Soviet 
Union: 

The "great exodus" of the Jewish population into the 
large cities began for several reasons in the earliest years 
of communist power. Some Jewish authors give these con- 
cise descriptions: "Thousands of Jews streamed out of the 
shtetls and a few cities in the south toward Moscow, Pet- 
rograd and Kiev, toward 'a real life.' . . . Starting in 1917 
the Jews moved in hordes to Leningrad and Moscow" The 
Jewish Encyclopedia gives the following numbers: "Hun- 
dreds of thousands of Jews moved to Moscow, Leningrad 
and into other large urban centers. ... In 1920 there lived 
in Moscow about 28,000 Jews, in 1923 about 86,000, in 
1926, according to the Soviet Census, about 131,000, and 
in 1933 about 226,000." 116 

Jewish-communist authors wrote of about 1 million 
Jewish settlers in the central cities of the new regime, and 
that in 1923 "nearly 50% of the entire Jewish population 
of Ukraine" had moved into the large cities, also into the 
Russian Federation, into the Transcaucasus region and into 
Central Asia. Every fifth settler landed in Moscow" 117 

This migration was unleashed not only by the enthusi- 
asm of those Jews for Bolshevism, but certainly also for 
reasons of simple survival. Because under the Leninist and 
Trotskyite policy of "war communism," all private busi- 
ness was forbidden, the craftsman was limited in his activ- 
ity and a new category was created, "persons without 
rights." Jews too were affected by all this. 

Whoever therefore had not struck firm economical 
roots made sure he vanished into the anonymity of the 
large cities to follow the new privileged class. Five-sixths 
of Soviet Jews "selected this path and landed positions in 



the communist administration and organizations. On the 
national level, the average percentage of Jews in the com- 
munist apparatus in 1925-1926, according to official data, 
was six times higher than their share of the population." 118 
A Jewish man by the name of Joseph Bikerman wrote 
in 1923 of his great concern concerning his ethnic coun- 
trymen: 

The Jew is now to be found everywhere at every level. 
The Russian sees him at all points: at the top of the heap 
in the ancient capital of Moscow and in the other capital 
on the Neva [St. Petersburg] as well as in the Red Army. 
. . . Russian people see the Jews now in the function of 
both judge and executioner. He finds Jews at every step 
and turn, Jews who are not communists but were just as 
poor as he still is, but who now have the last word and are 
advancing Soviet power. 119 

This development was furthered from the beginning of 
the revolution by its merciless fight against the bourgeoisie 
the aristocrats, government officials and military officers 
under the czar, and the entire Russian intelligentsia [edu- 
cated class], which persecution went so far as denying any 
entrance into higher education to their children. Thus the 
Jews created for themselves a huge privilege: Since this 
subpopulation "was persecuted under the czarist govern- 
ment," it obtained — even for its own bourgeoisie — unre- 
stricted acceptance into universities, and this ensured that 
they were qualified thereafter for executive functions 
within all the activities of the state. The Russian proletarian 
intellectuals lost out to a large extent. The Jewish Ency- 
clopedia admits: 

Now that there were no more restrictions according to 
ethnicity for admission to the universities, ... in the ac- 
ademic year 1926/27 Jews constituted 15.4% of all the 
students in the USSR, a portion nearly twice as high as 
that of the Jews in the entire urban population of the 
country. 120 



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This encyclopedia avoided comparing this percentage 
to the 1.7-1.8% of Jew in the overall Soviet population. 

Many Jews consoled themselves with the idea that in- 
stead of taking the dangerous and strenuous road of Zion- 
ism with Theodor Herzl and Ze'ev (Vladimir) Jabotinsky 
they could, as Solzhenitsyn puts it, "rather immediately get 
a backbone in Russia, and not just an equal footing, but 
become a privileged nation." 121 

It is noteworthy that their activism for Bolshevism, with 
all its consolations, as they recognized and admitted early 
on, "granted them privileged status," and they claimed this 
for themselves and their brethren for then and for the fu- 
ture as something natural. Equal rights with others were 
not to their taste; there had to be privileges. Lenin had pro- 
vided these to them, but Stalin buried all that under his ar- 
bitrary rule. 

The "privileging" of the Jews brought with it, among 
other things, the phenomenon that, as Solzhenitsyn says 
in The Jews in the Soviet Union: 

[I]ncessantly, Jewish relatives streamed into proximity 
with those who had posts in the power structure of Bol- 
shevism and concomitantly all advantages in practical life, 
particularly in the capitals with their many apartments and 
houses from which the owners had fled. 122 ♦ 

Participation in the Red Army 

The founders of the Red Army in 1918 were Leon 
Trotsky, E.M. Sklyansky and Jacob Sverdlov. 
Their religion and ethnicity as well as their pro- 
letarian class connection ensured that Bolshevik 
command personnel, from the very beginning, showed to 
a large extent homogeneous ancestral traits, and these pro- 
vided a certain guarantee for anti-czarist, anti-Orthodox 
Christian, and anti-Russian culture and tradition. Not only 
did many Jews fight in their ranks, but even an all- Jewish 
Joseph Furman brigade and other special Jewish units 
were created. Solzhenitsyn tells us: 

In the command structure of the Red (worker-and- 
farmer) Army, Jewish cadres became ever more numerous 
and more powerful over time, and this continued after the 
civil war for many long years. Several Jewish authors and 
encyclopedias have treated the collaboration of Jews in 
military leadership. The Israeli researcher Aaron Abra- 
movich created in the 1980s his own detailed lists of 




LEVI MEKHLIS: STALIN'S HATCHET MAN 

Levi "Lev" Mekhlis was an early defector from the Zionist 
Poale Zion to the Central Committee's Organization Bureau, 
to Stalin's Secretariat as well as to the editorial board of 
Pravda. He replaced J.B. Gamarnik, who committed suicide 
on June 1, 1937, as the head and "Army Commissar, First 
Rank" of the Main Political Administration of the Red Army, 
where he was responsible for political commissars. Mekhlis 
was promoted thereafter to first place, representing the Peo- 
ple's Commissariat of State Control and was also Deputy 
People's Commissar for Defense of the Nation. He was the 
organizer of the terror against the Red Army. As one of very 
few, this "purge" accomplice survived the Soviet dictator's liq- 
uidations, which ripped 35,000 officers (1 937-1 938) out of the 
Red Army. That was about half of the Soviet officer corps. 
The navy did not escape unscathed either. The destruction 
rate rose with the rank of the victim, and attained 80% of 
colonels and 90% of the generals. Mekhlis' most prominent 
victim was the deputy people's commissar for defense, Mar- 
shal Tukhachevsky. With his battle cry "death to the fascist 
worms," he ordered the commissar under him in 1941 to 
murder German prisoners of war. In the New Encyclopedia of 
Jewry, Bertelsmann Publishing House, Gutersloh-Munich 
1992, the perpetrator Levi Mekhlis isn't even mentioned. 



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names of Jews, based on numerous Soviet publications 
such as the book Fifty Years of the Armed Forces of the 
USSR (published by the Soviet Historical Encyclopedia) 
and a collection "Directives of the Front Commands of the 
Red Army"; these lists consisted of Jews only who had oc- 
cupied leading positions in the Red Army, beginning with 
the civil war and through World War II. 123 By order of 
Leon Trotsky, front commands were formed with appro- 
priate staffs and new armies, and in nearly all the military 
revolutionary councils of the front commands and armies, 
Jews were represented. 124 

Solzhenitsyn cites from various Jewish authors and 
mentions a long list of the names and functions of Army 
and division commanders and war commissars with the 
divisions: 

Brigade commanders, brigade commissars, regimental 
and sectional commanders, directors 
of political departments, chairmen 
of military revolutionary tribunals. 
The proportion of Jews as political 
officers was particularly high in all 
branches of the Red Army 125 



An Israeli researcher published 
statistics on the basis of the data con- 
tained in the census of 1926: 



"Jewish writers often strive 

to represent Jewish Chekists 

as the "purge victims of 

Stalin " and to minimize their 

own participation in the 

'Red Terror, ' although their 

role was very important " 



Jewish men represented at that 
time 1.7% of the total male population of the USSR. . . . 
2.1% of the officers who fought in actual combat were 
Jews. . . . 4.4%) in command positions were Jewish. . . . 
10.3%) Jews among political officers and 18.6% of the 
Army surgeons were Jewish. 126 

The Russian Jewish Encyclopedia augments and fur- 
ther describes much data by Abramovich. Thus certain 
"unusual women" are also named who assumed "com- 
mand functions " among other things as heads of revolu- 
tionary committees, political departments, in Army 
operational staffs and military sections. Solzhenitsyn re- 
veals his contempt for them, since they were active in im- 
plementing the "Red Terror." One of these Furies he 
describes, Rebecca Plastinina Maisel from the revolution- 
ary committee of the Archangel government, "shot with 
her own hands 100 human beings . . . and belonged in the 
1940s to the highest court of justice of the RSFSR (Russ- 
ian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic)." 



An Israeli historian confirms that the penetration of the 
high command structures of the Red Army by Jews, which 
existed from the beginning, still continued in the 1930s. 

They were numerous particularly in the military revolu- 
tionary council, in the headquarters of the People's Com- 
missariat for Defense, in the general staff and so forth. The 
same applies to the military districts, the armies, corps, di- 
visions, brigades and all troop units. From the beginning, 
Jews occupied high positions in the political agencies. 127 

Jewish writers born long after the events often strive to 
represent Jewish Chekists as the "purge victims of Stalin" 
and to minimize their own participation in the "Red Terror," 
although their role was still very important "even in the 
1940s in the enforcement organs, and only in the postwar 
years, when they fell victim to Stalin's "anti-cosmopolitan" 
campaign, were their numbers reduced." 128 

While the yearbook Jewish World 
confesses that during the war "over 
100 Jewish generals belonged to the 
Red Army," and ignores all but 17 "ar- 
bitrarily selected names," among 
them not one infantry general. It lists, 
"as a bad joke," with those 17 names, 
the Jewish major general in charge of 
the technical service of the Gulag, 
Frenkel Naphtali Aronovich. 129 

A further Jewish anthology con- 
firmed yet more names from the post- 
war period. 130 

Solzhenitsyn says in The Jews in the Soviet Union: 

Of course, the egregious failure in these works was not 
to have mentioned the super-general, Levi Mekhlis, who 
from 1937-1940 was Stalin's closest and most trusted 
friend and, starting in 1941 again became the head of the 
PURKKA, the political head office of the Red Worker and 
Farmer Army. Ten days after the beginning of the war, it 
was he who had a dozen Soviet generals arrested at the 
highest levels of the command structure at the western 
front — to say nothing of his retaliatory actions during the 
Finnish war and later at Kerch in Ukraine. 131 

Fifteen more names of Jewish generals are added by the 
Little Jewish Encyclopedia: 1976-2005, Jerusalem, Vol. 1, 
p. 686). All this, however, is still far exceeded by a more re- 
cent Jewish author, who arrived at a total figure of 270 Jew- 
ish generals and admirals in the Red Army, which included 



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also those promoted during the war to these ranks. These 
are not only "not a few" — this number is colossal! 

Listed are also four wartime people's commissars: be- 
sides Kaganovich, also Boris Vannikov (in charge of am- 
munition manufacturing), Simeon Ginsburg (construction 
department) and Isaac Salzman (tank production). 

In addition, there were some Jewish heads of the mili- 
tary administrations of the Red Army, four army com- 
manders, and the commanders of 23 corps, 72 divisions 
and 102 brigades. "In no other Allied army, not even in the 
American, did Jews hold such high positions as they did in 
the Soviet army," writes Dr. Y. Arad. 

To speak of a pushing-out of Jews from high positions 
of power during the war would be wrong. And in the Soviet 
everyday life of that time as well, no such displacement 
became apparent. 132 

The Israeli Encyclopedia confirms that in the USSR, in 
comparison with other ethnicities, "the Jews represented a 
disproportionately high portion of higher officers, prima- 
rily because among them a much higher percentage con- 
sisted of people with a university education." 133 

Y. Arad notes: "During the war, the number of com- 
missars and political workers in the various departments of 
the army who were Jewish was relatively higher than in 
other fields of activity." 134 

According to the newspaper Unity of Feb. 24, 1945 
(nearly at the end of the war), 63,374 Jews were distin- 
guished with a medal or medals for bravery and heroism 
in the fight, and 59 Jews became "Heroes of the Soviet 



Union." Yet by 1963, according to the Yiddish-language 
newspaper^/ me Vaser, "Voice of the People" (Warsaw), 
160,772 Jews were awarded a medal or medal, and there 
were 108 "Heroes of the Soviet Union." 

In the beginning of the 1990s, an Israeli author pub- 
lished a list with names and data of recipients of this high 
award, claiming 135 Jewish "Heroes of the Soviet Union" 
and 12 Jews who received the "Medal of Fame" in all three 
categories. The same data is also found in the three-volume 
work Descriptions of Jewish Heroism. 135 

The newest number of Jews who were distinguished 
for special achievements in combat with Soviet medals is, 
however, 123, 822. 136 But this is not all. Solzhenitsyn says: 

Many Jews dedicated themselves to the construction of 
all kinds of weapons and war technology, tool-making, air- 
craft, tank and ship construction, scientific research, the 
building and the development of industrial enterprises, 
power supply, metal production and transportation. For 

work for the front 180,000 Jews received decorations 

Two hundred of them received the Order of Lenin. 137 

Joachim Hoffmann supplements this enumeration: 

"Major General Abakumov, who had surrounded him- 
self with a whole group of Jewish collaborators, was a 
close and trusted friend of Beria; Abakumov was de- 
scribed by the NKVD's General Sudoplatov as 'a Jew by 
birth.' He was one of the chief executives responsible for 



GENRIKH G. YAGODA: TERROR MASTER 

Born Herschel Yehuda, as early as 1920 he was already in the Presidium alongside 
Cheka director Felix Dzherzhinsky. By 1924 he was a leader of the Cheka and the 
GPU. Between 1 934 and 1 936 he was the People's Commissar of the Interior. One of 
his famous quotes was: "The bullet is the very best means of struggle against the class 
enemy!" His hated "class enemies" were the medium and large farmers (the "kulaks") 
and also "suspicious ones," "counter-revolutionaries" (Russians, Ukrainians, Cau- 
casians and members of other races). He had arranged for the cadre chiefs on almost 
all levels of the state organs of enforcement to be vengeance-seeking co-religionists. 
"They craved revenge, revenge on everyone: on aristocrats, the rich, the Russians— 
the main thing was revenge." He disposed of "troops for special use," availed himself 
of bestial methods of overwork and starvation, and exploited the outlaw status of former 
citizens with assassination and poison. He also counterfeited foreign currencies. On 
March 15, 1938, after his "confession" in a show trial, the "very best means" of class 
warfare was inflicted on him on Stalin's order. It was under Yagoda's substantial co-re- 
sponsibility, and as a consequence of "war communism," that just in the hunger winter 
of 1921-22, approximately 5 million human beings perished. Over the course of the 
forced collectivization of agriculture, it was his responsibility as the People's Commissar 
of the Interior that another 6 million human beings died. 




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the tremendous crimes of the NKVD/MVD. General Re- 
ichmann of the NKVD was praised by Etchov in the 
1930s while head of the Kharkov administrative area of 
the NKVD, was infamous for his special brutality. In 
1940 he played a key role in the Katyn shooting of the 
Polish officers who were prisoners of war. 



Twice decorated "Hero of the Soviet Union," Army 
General Ivan Danilovich Chernyakhovsky, as the com- 
mander-in-chief of the Belarussian front, was responsible 
for atrocities against the civilian population and German 
prisoners of war in East Prussia. The list could go on and 
on and on. 138 ♦ 



'Jewish Commissars 9 Were No German Invention 



The proofs to which Solzhenitsyn refers for the far 
above average percentage of Jewish leaders in 
the Bolshevik terror in comparison with the total 
population of Russia are almost exclusively 
taken from Jewish sources. This is a welcome procedure 
because it extracts him from any credible reproach of 
"anti-Semitism" or basic one-sidedness on this subject. 

Here we limit ourselves to a selection of Solzhenitsyn 's 
general conclusions in order to avoid being crushed by the 
multiplicity of Jewish commissar names and functions, 
promotions and transfers to new responsibilities: 



Before our eyes the most primal anti-Semitism is re- 
born. . . . One need only listen [in Petrograd] to discus- 
sions on the streetcars, in the lines before various 
businesses or in any of the innumerable spontaneous 
demonstrations at every intersection The Jews are ac- 
cused of supremacism in politics, and it is said that they 
were bringing all the parties and the Soviets under their 
thumb, even destroying the army. 142 ... It is said even of 
the Executive Committee in Petrograd that it is infiltrated 
by Jews. 143 



It is beyond all doubt that in the 
party called "the Bolsheviks" and in 
all the other parties that contributed 
so much to the success of the revo- 
lution — the Mensheviks, Social 
Revolutionaries and others — Jews 
represented a far higher percentage 
than their proportion of the popula- 
tion of Russia. . . . References to 
the lack of civil rights of the Russian 
Jews before the February Revolution . . . give no exhaus- 
tive answer by itself to this phenomenon. 139 

The majority of the Russians, from the simple man 
from the people to the highest-ranking general, were 
stunned just to look at all these new orators and leaders of 
demonstrations and meetings, these persons who now had 
the final say and abruptly appeared so different from their 
leaders in former times. 140 

The very trick many of these people used of exchang- 
ing their real [Jewish] names with Russian-sounding 
aliases and thus misleading the citizenry — mostly the Rus- 
sians — as Solzhenitsyn explains, "greatly vexed them even 
in the early months after the February Revolution against 
the Jews. . . . Now a wave of popular anger swept over the 
Jews." 747 

From Solzhenitsyn 's The Jews in the Soviet Union: 



"In the Bolshevik Party and 
in all the other parties that 
contributed to the success of 

the revolution, Jews represented 
afar higher percentage than 

their proportion of the general 
population of Russia. " 



Even if Solzhenitsyn stresses that 
the October Revolution should be at- 
tributed to Russians as such "despite 
the over-all guidance by Trotsky" and 
the energetic assistance of others — 
since Lenin is considered to be clearly 
Russian 144 — this does not weaken the 
details that follow: 



Jewish military men played an impor- 
tant role in both the preparation and exe- 
cution of the armed rebellion of October 1917 in Petrograd 
and in other cities of the country and also in the final 
crushing of the mutinies and armed resistance against the 
new Soviet regime. 145 

The resolution to launch the Bolshevik uprising of 
Oct. 10, 1917 was made by 12 men, half of whom were 
Jews: Trotsky (founder of the Red Army), Zinoviev (later 
chairman of the Communist Internationale, the "Com- 
intern," Kamenev (a member of the CC and the Politburo), 
Sverdlov (director of the All-Russian Central Executive 
Committee), Uritsky (commissar of the Extraordinary 
Staff of the Petrograd military district, murdered shortly 
thereafter) and Sokolnikov. In the Politburo that was soon 
to be elected they were reunited, with the exception of 
Sverdlov and Uritsky. 146 

The "Jewish question" ranked ten times higher than is- 
sues affecting farmers even at this first congress [of the 



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Soviets on October 27, 1917], which was supposed to be 
a congress of workers and deputies of the peasants, and 
which had issued various decrees about peace and land. 147 

Lenin himself referred to this circumstance: 

What rendered a large service to the revolution was the 
fact that because of the war a significant number of Jews, 
who belonged to the mid-level intelligentsia, had relocated 
to the large Russian cities. Only because of this reserve of 
well-trained and more or less prudent and intelligent new 
civil servants could we succeed in taking over the state ap- 
paratus thoroughly remaking it. 148 

And Solzhenitsyn adds: 

From the first day, the Bolsheviks brought Jews into 
the Soviet power apparatus — some in directing positions, 
others as implementers It was in any case a mass phe- 
nomenon. Thousands of Jews streamed [in late 1917 and 
in 1918] into the Bolshevik ranks, since they saw in them 
the most decisive representatives of revolution, the most 
reliable internationalists, and they formed the majority of 
the lower layers of the party structure. 149 

The creation of a Jewish commissariat in 1918 re- 
flected this. It was designed to become a center for the 
Jewish communist movement. 150 Its task consisted of put- 
ting the new urban Jews into the service of communism 
and smashing all the old organizational structures of con- 
servative Jewry in Russia. The consequence was that an 
important segment of their leaders crossed over to the Bol- 
sheviks. 151 

Stalin later ordered the cruel persecution of these same 
leaders. But as early as 1920 the Jewish-dominated Cheka 
presidium prohibited all Zionist [i.e. "striving for a Jewish 
homeland in Palestine"] organizations as "counterrevolu- 
tionary" and locked up all the participants in the spring 
1920 All-Russian Zionist Conference in Moscow. 152 

In the widely cast demonization campaign of the Bol- 
sheviks, which targeted the aristocracy, the rich, state of- 
ficials, the "hired hands of capitalism " officers, priests, 
monks, nuns, farmers (the "kulaks") and all the other 
"auxiliaries of czarism ," the once lowly Jews ended up as 
the only category that did not make the list. And so they 
could give the new "purgers" a boost, which however came 
across to others, who knew them as a previously outcast 
people, as overzealous and unscrupulous. This is how they 
acted. It may be that they encountered the other, the goyim, 
dehumanizing him because of the tenets of their religion, 




Pictured here is Bela Kun (the former Aaron Cohn, a Hun- 
garian national). He proclaimed the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat on March 21, 1919 in Budapest. After the bloody rule 
and collapse of his Soviet republic on August 1 , 1 91 9, he went 
to Russia and took part (after 1 920) as a member of the Rev- 
olutionary War Council in the Russian civil war and spent 
many years participating in Bolshevik "purges," to which, just 
in the Crimea, 60,000-70,000 people fell victim. In 1935 he 
rose to become a delegate to the Comintern— and on Novem- 
ber 30, 1939 was himself executed. 



preserved among themselves, however, an unusual level 
of co-operation. 

So it was surely no coincidence that the secret services 
Cheka and GPU, brutal from the outset and given unre- 
stricted authority, used Jewish regional directors (primarily 
in Petrograd, Moscow, Odessa and Kiev) to implement 
force to an extraordinary extent, aside from the Pole Felix 
Dzerzhinsky, who had undergone 1 1 years of czarist ban- 
ishment. 153 

An investigation published in 1999 in Moscow re- 
vealed: 

In Kiev, Isaac Schwartz assumed the direction of the 
10-member Kiev Cheka collective. Initially seven of its 
members were Jewish. The Cheka personnel in Ukraine — 
with Ukrainians being 80% of the population — was 75% 
of Jewish origin. 154 

If as late as 1934, with a Jewish population percentage 
of approximately 2%, fully 39%) of the top officials of the 



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secret services came from Jewish families — yet from 
Russian families only 36% — history is entitled to speak of 
a Jewish supremacy in the secret services. This supremacy 

was smashed only by Stalin [Solzhenitsyn adds that on 

January 1, 1938 their percentage was 27% and on July 1, 
1939 a mere 4%.— Ed.]. 155 

And who were its victims? Solzhenitsyn says: 

. . . [T]he innumerable shooting victims, those who 
were sunk in whole ships, the hostages and prisoners . . . 
the officers were Russians, the nobles were Russians, the 
zemstvo members were Russians, and the farmers who did 
not want to go into the Red Army and were dragged out of 
the forests, Russians. 156 

Even the intelligentsia [well-educated class] that was 
opposed to anti-Semitism, as well as of course the mem- 
bers of the Orthodox church, were 
Russian. Besides this, all active anti- 
Semites were considered outlaws, i.e. 
they could be shot out of hand, "they 
too all being Russians." 157 Even 
Pravda published an appeal by the 
workers in Arkhangelsk: 



Everywhere we see that only the 
Russian-Orthodox churches are 
being defiled, desecrated and 
robbed, but not the Jewish syna- 
gogues. . . . Deaths by hunger and disease carry off hun- 
dreds of thousands of innocent Russian lives, but the Jews 
do not die of hunger and disease. 158 

Solzhenitsyn elaborates in his The Jews in the Soviet 
Union: 

In the USSR the persecution inflicted on Christians ex- 
ceeded anything that ever happened in the past in both cru- 
elty and extent. However one may not burden this entirely 
on the Jews, but their influence may not be played down 
either. 159 

In the eyes of the Whites [the right-wing anti-Bolshe- 
viks] all this promptly and naturally revealed authentic 
proof of the fusion of Jewry and the Bolsheviks. 160 

Even observers from America paid tribute to the dy- 
namic role of the Jews in Bolshevism. ... In the upward 
momentum of the October phase many Jews still spoke 
with proudly erect heads of their activities for Bolshe- 



"Everywhere we see that 

only the Russian-Orthodox 

churches are being defiled, 

desecrated and robbed, but not 

the synagogues. . . . Hunger 

and disease carry off hundreds 

of thousands — but not Jews. " 



vism. 161 . . . The participation of the Jews in the revolution 
and in the civil war went even beyond their extraordinary 
participation in the government; it was far more extensive 
even than that." 162 

Inadvertently a photo taken at a meeting of the presid- 
ium of the Petrograd Soviet after the October Revolution 
was published. Jews formed the absolute majority at the 
presidium table. 

In retrospect, one may use the words of the Zionist 
Arno Lustiger: 

It is no injustice to identify Bolshevism with the Jews. 
Three of five members of the "Committee for the Revolu- 
tionary Defense of Petrograd" were Jews: Uritsky, Gold- 
stein and Drabkin. The chairman of the Soviet there was 
Trotsky, later Zinoviev and Uritsky, all Jews. Of the eight 
members of the "Revolutionary War Council of the Re- 
public," five are Jews: Trotsky, Sklyansky, 
Gussiev, Kamenev and Unshlikht. The 
first head of state of the Soviet republic 
was Jacob Sverdlov, a Jew. 



Solzhenitsyn says, "the role of the 
Jews was particularly remarkable in 
the agencies responsible for the food 
supply." 163 

According to Solzhenitsyn, they 
implemented directives such as these: 



Food requisitioning must be carried out without con- 
sideration for the consequences, including the seizure of 
all the entire grain in a village. The producer is only al- 
lowed the hunger ration. In putting together the units that 
requisitioned the farmers' food they hired former criminal 
offenders and antisocial elements who had no problem 
with beating the farmers. 164 The all too open participation 
of the Jews in the Bolshevik fury directs the eyes of the 
Russians and of the whole world upon us. 165 

I.O. Levin affirmed in his writings on the communist 
revolutions in Hungary and Bavaria after WWI that the 
flood of Jews into the Bolshevik camp had hardly anything 
to do with any preceding suffering. Solzhenitsyn explains: 

In both countries the number of Jews who took part in 
the Bolshevik regime was enormous. In Bavaria, we find 
among the commissars the Jews Levine, Levien, Axelrod, 
the anarchist ideologue Landauer and Ernst Toller. . . . 



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Josef Stalin, Vladimir Lenin and Mikhail Kalinin (photo from the 8th 
Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, March 1 91 9). The 
second party program, adopted at its 8th Congress, was aimed at "the 
maximum centralization of production, simultaneously striving to establish 
a unified economic plan." In their commentary on this program, Bukharin 
and Preobrazhensky explained what lay behind this phrase. They stated 
that under communism, "society will be transformed into a huge working 



organization for cooperative production. There will then be neither disin- 
tegration of production nor anarchy of production. ... No longer will one 
enterprise compete with another; the factories, workshops, mines and 
other productive institutions will all be subdivisions, as it were, of one vast 
people's workshop, which will embrace the entire national economy of 

production This is how the organization of communist production will 

be effected." In other words, Big Brother would control everything. 



In Hungary Jews represented up to 95% of the leaders in 
the Bolshevik movement. . . . The legal status of the Jews 
was excellent in Hungary. For a long time there had been no 
legal restrictions. On the contrary, the Jews enjoyed a posi- 
tion that could tempt anti-Semites to speak of Jewish su- 
premacy in the cultural and economic life of Hungary. 166 

One should add that these were the conditions in the 
Austro-Hungarian monarchy of the time, and similar con- 
ditions also prevailed to a large extent in Imperial Ger- 
many. 

Solzhenitsyn recognized the international situation cor- 
rectly in his remarks regarding the Zionists of the east 
coast of the U.S., who, independent of Russian events, 
used their power in 1 9 1 9 at the Versailles "peace treaty" — 
which they ignored — to set forth to bring all Western tra- 
ditions crashing down. His comments: 

That which united all those insurgent — and also many 
Jews on the other side of the ocean — was a sudden flaming 
up of unchecked revolutionary internationalist fervor, a 
stormy urge for revolution that they wanted to carry out 



as a "world revolution" or even "permanent revolution." 

The rapid advancement of the Jews in the Bolshevik 
administration naturally did not remain unnoticed among 
Jews in Europe and in the U.S. and called forth, shame- 
fully, nothing but joyful approval. 167 

Solzhenitsyn wrote, referring to Jewish sources, once 
again on the immigrants from the US: "Especially the 
many Jews . . . these people displayed a brutality and rig- 
orousness in Russia with their repressive measures against 
the middle class [that provoked discussion even in the U.S. 
Senate — Ed.]: 

They only speak the Russian language badly. The people 
over whom they had seized power was strange to them, and 
they behaved like conquerors in a defeated country. Whereas 
in czarist Russia, Jews were not given any important posi- 
tions, and schools and the civil service were closed to them, 
there were Jews everywhere in the Soviet republics in every 
committee and commissariat. Often they changed their Jew- 
ish names into Russian ones. But this masquerade could not 
deceive anybody. Vol. II, Jews in the Soviet Union, p. Ill] 



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Solzhenitsyn also refers to an article by the then war 
minister of the British Cabinet, Winston Churchill of Feb- 
ruary 1920 in The London Illustrated Sunday Herald: 

And now at last this band of extraordinary personalities 
from the underground of the great cities of Europe and 
America has gripped the Russian people by the hair of 
their heads and has become practically the undisputed 
master of that enormous [Russian] empire. 168 

In this connection, Solzhenitsyn mentions that the 
British intervention troops in the Baku area "shot 26 Bol- 
shevik commissars on September 20, 1918 in Baku in the 
desert on the Caspian Sea, without this exciting the slight- 
est interest on the part of the world public." 

It never bothered the many humanitarian moral apos- 
tles of the Western world that "the English were in a hurry 
to occupy the oil fields of Baku." 169 

The authors of the anthology Rus- 
sia and Russian Jewry, G. Aronson 
and I.M. Bikermann, confessed in 
1924 their worry: 



the economics of "war communism" — Ed.] and one of the 
leading lights and theoreticians of collectivization. Levi 
Krizman began functioning in 1928 as the director of the 
Agricultural Institute and from 1931-1933 he was the 
Deputy Chairman of the Gosplan. . . . 

Jacob-Levi-Epstein was the head of the People's Agri- 
cultural Commissariat. . . . Afterward [around the end of 
of 1929] he led the "Great Reform" the collectivization 
attack, which affected millions, along with the eager fill- 
fillers of his plan. 171 

[He] belonged, together with M. Kalmanovich to the 
highest Government Council for Work and Defense 
(whose composition is nearly completely mentioned with 
Stalin, Molotov, Mikoyan, Orjonikidse and Voroshilov). 172 

S. Margolina writes in her book Das Ende der Liigen 
[The End of the Lies — Ed.]: 



Naturally it is clear that not all 
Jews are Bolsheviks, and not all 
Bolsheviks are Jews, but it does not 
take long to prove how excessively, 
and above all how over-zealously, 
Jews took part in the abuse of the 
half-dead Russia by the Bolsheviks. 
. . . The Russian people have never before experienced 
Jews in power. 

Now, however, one experiences them at every step and 

turn, and their power is brutal and unlimited One must 

understand the psychological reaction of the Russians 
when they feel themselves suddenly exposed to the power 
of this whole rotten scum, with its arrogance and crudity, 
its self-centeredness and churlish behavior. 170 

When in 1929 the forced collectivization of agriculture 
was introduced, which led to at least 6 million dead by pro- 
grammed famine, although it was ordered by Stalin it was 
carried out by a variegated team of Jewish communist ex- 
ecutioners. Solzhenitsyn tells us in The Jews in the Soviet 
Union: 

In the national planning authority "Gosplan'' Stalin 
maintained the previous Jewish majority. 

Of course J. Larin was among them, [the founder of 



"It is clear that not all Jews 

are Bolsheviks, and not all 

Bolsheviks are Jews, but it does 

not take long to prove how how 

over-zealously Jews took part in 

the abuse of the half-dead 

Russia by the Bolsheviks, " 



Besides this, at the end of the 1920s 
not a few Jewish communists began 
showing up for the first time out in the flat 
country as military commanders and as 
lords of life and death. It was only over 
the course of the collectivization that the 
picture of the Jew as the hated enemy of 
the farmer was formed — even in areas 
where no one had ever previously seen a 
Jew face-to-face. 173 



Solzhenitsyn takes a stand against 
the view that it there was merely a Jewish "layer of imple- 
menters" and stresses instead that "Jews also belonged in 
no small measure to the dominant class of that time," 174 
which, after 1937/38, and centered in the large cities, kept 
the whole enormous country under lock and key, ever for- 
getting to put forth that the exponent of their idea, Karl 
Marx, was "the creative genius behind the ideas for the 
communist liberation of mankind." 

The "pitiless and disastrous" Lazar Kaganovich, a 
member after 1930 of the Politburo and head of the Central 
Committee's Control Commission, and after the mid- 
19308 CC Secretary, was co-responsible for the forced col- 
lectivization of agriculture and for the great purges of 
1934-1938. Solzhenitsyn says that, "outside of Stalin, he 
was the only one at this height." 175 His three brothers in 
high positions also received Solzhenitsyn 's mention. The 
press, the political administration of the Red Army and the 
guidance of the Komsomol [the communist youth organi- 
zation] lay in Jewish hands. 



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The eight Jewish people's commissars in 1936 were 
also not forgotten: 

Maxim Litvinov = people's commissar of the exterior; 

Genrikh Yagoda = people's commissar of the interior 
(1934 -1936; shot on March 15, 1938 in Moscow); 

Nicolas Y. Yeshov = people's commissar of the interior 
after September 27, 1936. His deputy, M. Berman, re- 
mained at the same time the head of the national punish- 
ment camp administration, the Gulag. His staff of 
collaborators was ethnically as one may expect. Yeshov was 
liquidated at the end of of 1938; his successor was Beria. 

Lazar Kaganovich = people's commissar for railways; 

A. Rosenholts = people's commissar for foreign trade; 

I.J. Weizer = people's commissar for domestic trade; 

M. Kalmanovich = people's commissar for the 
sovkhoses (state properties); 

L.J. Lyubimov = people's commissar for light industry; 

G. Kaminsky = people's commissar for the health serv- 
ice; 

S. Belenky = chairman of the Committee for Soviet 
Control. 



As Solzhenitsyn says in The Jews in the Soviet Union: 

We find many Jewish names in the same cabinet on the 
level of the different Deputy People's Commissars for fi- 
nances, radio and telecommunication systems, railways, 
river transport, agriculture, forestry, foodstuffs, education 
and law. The most important deputy people's commissars 
were Y. Gamarnik (defense), A. Gurevich (who made a 
crucial contribution to the setting-up of the metallurgical 
industry in the USSR) and Simeon Ginsburg (heavy in- 
dustry, later people's commissar for the building industry, 
then for armaments factories. 176 

Solzhenitsyn also found many Jews in leading posi- 
tions locally: for example, working as first secretaries on 
the area committee ruling the Volga Germans and on re- 
gional committees in the Far East. 177 Two hundred thou- 
sand starving, poorly clothed workers were used to enlarge 
the Kusnezker Kombinat [Kusnezker Collective Combine, 
in the Urals — Ed.]. The control of this hell was in the 
hands of S. Frankfuter and then I. Epstein. ♦ 



Bolshevik Uprisings in Post-WWI Germany 



44 



A t the Comintern congresses in Moscow 

• /% one met the elite of the Jewish commu- 

/ % nists of Soviet Russia." (More than one 

.X. -^.page of names follows in Solzhenitsyn 's 

book of Jewish names from Russia and numerous other 

countries.) 

Motto of the Comintern chairman Zinoviev: "It is not 
crucial whether we hang the class enemies illegally or 
legally. 178 . . . The communist parties and also the secret 
apparatus of the Comintern were substantially shaped by 
Eastern European "Red assimilators" in a whole set of 
countries. 179 

When in 1919 the leaders of the KPD [the Kommunis- 
tische Partei Deutschlands, "Communist Party of Ger- 
many" — Ed.], namely Rosa Luxemburg and Karl 
Liebknecht, were murdered after their failed Spartacist up- 
rising, their successor was Paul Levi. August Thalheimer 
took over the editorship of Die Rote Fahne ("The Red 
Flag"); its editorship was "mainly Jewish." [Jewish Bol- 
shevism — Myth and Reality, p. 165] Adolf Yoffe, the first 
Soviet ambassador to Berlin, made his Central European 
location into "the headquarters of the revolution." ["Jewish 
Bolshevism— Myth and Reality," p. 127] 



Leo Flieg ran until 1932 the secretariat of the "Org" 
office of the CC of the KPD, and at the same time admin- 
istered, as an agent of the Comintern, the financing in the 
millions of revolution that flowed from Moscow to the So- 
viet embassy in Berlin, as Solzhenitsyn points out, "for the 
setting up of a Red Army arranged into proletarian 'hun- 
dreds' [groups of 100, a concept from ancient Rome], de- 
signed to conquer power in Germany according to a 
guerrilla concept." 180 

All of them were ethnic foreigners, just as were the 
KPD Comintern comrades Ruth Fischer, Heinz Neumann 
and, among others, Arkadi Maslov (born Isaac Chemer- 
ingsky in Russia) of the German CC and Politburo. The 
same is true of the internationally operating communist 
press baron Willi Miinzenberg, the GPU boss for Western 
Europe Ignaz Reiss and the "Red Chapel" boss Leopold 
Trepper, who, out of his Brussels location, ran Moscow's 
European espionage operations and prepared himself early 
on for his future tasks in World War II. 

His confession: "I became a communist because I am 
a Jew." 181 

As Solzhenitsyn tells us in his The Jews in the Soviet 
Union: 



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At the beginning of 1919 the 
communist "Councils" (in German, 
Rate), led mainly led by Jews in 
Berlin and Munich, carried out their 
first armed rebellions and, in the 
KPD at that time, the portion of 
Jewish activists was disproportion- 
ately high, although the Jewish mu- 
nicipality did not particularly sup- 
port this party . . . 

The rebellion in Munich was led 
by a Jew with a bohemian exterior, 
the theater critic Kurt Eisner. He 
was murdered. . . . 

G. Landauer, Ernst Toller, E. 
Muhsam and O. Neurath pro- 
claimed their new government of 
leftist Jewish intellectuals in Mu- 
nich the "Bavarian Soviet Repub- 
lic." One week later this "republic" 
fell to a still more radical group, 
which proclaimed itself the "Second 
Bavarian Soviet Republic," at the 
head of which stood one Eugene 
Levine. . . . 

The fact that the leaders of these 




MIKHAIL IVANOVICH KALININ 

Kalinin was an early and close collabora- 
tor with Lenin and Stalin. He defended 
Germany— propagandistically for strictly 
tactical reasons— against the Versailles 
Treaty, which violated international law. He 
served from 1919 until his death in 1946 
as Soviet head of state, president of the 
Executive Committee of the CPSU and 
(beginning in 1938) was chairman of the 
Executive Committee of the Supreme So- 
viet of the Soviet Union. He was among 
the co-signatories of the order to shoot the 
15,000 captured Polish officers in April- 
May 1940. In 1945, the German provincial 
capital of East Prussia, Koenigsberg, was 
renamed Kaliningrad after this Russian 
collaborator in Bolshevik crimes. 



Solzhenitsyn, "the future cabinet 
members of Soviet Germany. A sig- 
nificant group was selected from 
among various Russian Soviet func- 
tionaries, which were to be the core of 
the future German Soviet of People's 
Commissars. He listed the economic 
cadres . . . the military ... the Com- 
intern functionaries and some leading 
GPU coworkers. 

Pravda published almost at the 
same time [1923] some poetic verses 
about a Germany in flames." 185 

And this nameless chosen one, at 
that time among the revolutionaries 
on the Bolsheviks' Central Commit- 
tee enunciated calmly the following 
"modest" objective at the Xlth Party 
Congress of the CPSU (from March 
27-April4, 1922): 



communist rebellions, suppressed 
by the army and the volunteer Freikorps, had been Jews 
was one of the most important causes for the revival of po- 
litical anti-Semitism in the Germany of the [post-WWI] 
revolutionary period. 182 

In any case, members of this minority of 0.7% of the 
German population became 10% of the KPD parlia- 
mentary group in the German parliament, the Reichstag, 
by 1925. 183 

This supplemented the significant effect of American 
Jewry on Germany as part of the Versailles policies of the 
WWI victors after 1919. One may note the word "revival," 
meaning that there was no serious political anti-Semitism 
in the imperial (Kaiser) Germany of 1870-1918. 

What Solzhenitsyn forgot to mention was that from the 
outset the CPSU and the Comintern, under the direction of 
Grigory Zinoviev, affected incessantly the revolts after 
1918 in Central Europe with organizational assistance, 
personnel and weapons. (Of Zinoviev, ne Radomyslsky, 
Solzhenitsyn comments "only thieves concealed their 
names and used pseudonyms.") 184 

By 1923, Zinoviev had already picked out, according to 



We possess the monopoly on legality. 

We have refused political liberty to our 

opponents. We do not permit anyone who 

wants to compete with us to legally exist. 

. . . The dictatorship of the proletariat is — 

as Comrade Lenin says — a very cruel 

thing. In order to ensure the victory of the dictatorship of 

the proletariat, we cannot avoid the need to snap the spines 

of all opponents of this dictatorship. 186 

Solzhenitsyn then swivels over to Hungary, a country 
of which he notes: "The Jews had lived substantially more 
prosperously than other Eastern European co-religionists 
and had enjoyed substantially more success in their careers 
in Hungarian society" 187 

This, Solzhenitsyn points out, would have been some- 
thing to appreciate about the tolerant Austro-Hungarian 
monarchy: 

The Jews had played a very considerable role in the 
revolutionary uprisings in Russia and Germany, but their 
role in Hungary was truly a leading one. ... Of the 49 
people's commissars, fully 3 1 were Jews; the primary per- 
son among them was Bela Kun, the minister of foreign 
affairs who was in fact the head of the government; one 
and a half years later [after the collapse of his uprising in 
Hungary and his departure] he was to inundate the 
Crimea with blood. 188 ♦ 



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Emigration — Between the Wars 



Among the 1.16 million 
Russian emigrants who 
escaped the civil war 
conditions that existed 
after 1917 were more than 200,000 
Jews. Of them, most turned to 
Poland, Germany and France for 
refuge while some sought admission 
into Palestine, the U.S., Canada and 
the countries of South America. They 
did not play their own independent 
political role, but instead were inte- 
grated into the general trends coming 
out of New York that were steered by 
international Zionism. 

While one important participant 
in the creation of the Red Army, E. 
M. Sklyansky, built up a reputation 
in Moscow as "the greatest of the di- 
amond dealers," Mrs. Zinoviev, Slata 
Bernstein-Lilina, attempted unsuc- 
cessfully a border crossing into 
Lithuania; the would-be emigre was 
carrying "jewels valued at several 
tens of thousands of millions of 
rubles [several billion dollars — Ed]." 

The comment of Solzhenitsyn: 
"With all this, we are still attached 
to the legend that the first revolutionary leaders were self- 
less idealists." 189 

In the Western world, in the meantime, equating Bol- 
shevism with Jewry was becoming "the usual European 
thinking of the time," as Solzhenitsyn put it. 

Perhaps in 1922 Dr. Pasmanik was too hasty in his 
opinions, but he wrote: 

In the whole civilized world, in all nations and the 
members of all social classes and political parties, the be- 
lief has become stronger that the Jews have played a cru- 
cial role in the emergence of Bolshevism and all its 
formations. Our personal experience has showed us the 
fact that not only avowed anti-Semites are attached to this 
opinion but . . . representatives of public opinion in the 
democracies are pointing to hard facts, i.e. to the role of 
the Jews in the Bolshevik movement, not only in Russia, 
but also in Hungary, Germany and everywhere else where 



Bolshevism has appeared. 



190 




EPHRAIM SKLYANSKY 

Ephraim Sklyansky (a physician from a Jewish 
family) was a pitiless deputy of Trotsky in the 
Revolutionary War Council. He created the Red 
Army together with Trotsky and Sverdlov, and 
participated with General Tukhachevsky and the 
regional Cheka head Lev Levin in ruthlessly 
crushing the farmer uprisings. He "drowned" 
(many believe he was killed at the behest of 
Stalin) in 1925 during a mission to the U.S. 



This opinion was fed by the unre- 
served support for Bolshevism on 
the part of American Jewry. There 
Solzhenitsyn saw prevailing "the 
opinion that the fall of the Bolshe- 
viks in Russia inevitably would en- 
tail for the Jews the danger of a new, 
bloody wave of pogroms and of 
massive loss of life. . . . With this in 
mind, Bolshevism is preferred as the 
lesser evil." 191 

It certainly would have been 
more meaningful to admit that: 

a) A heavy-consciousness of 
guilt was in play in considering a 
change of power, 

b) Certain power objectives and 
expectations about building up a 
dangerous eastern front against Ger- 
many militated for a positive interna- 
tional reevaluation and strengthening 
of Soviet might. 

When Stalin began with his elim- 
ination of Trotsky and his close col- 
laborators — the "Trotskyites" — and 



his party began more or less obvi- 
ously to "purge" Jews, "and anti- Jewish tendencies in the 
USSR were echoed in the pages of the Soviet press," 192 this 
did not overly agitate the "holy warriors" on the east coast 
of the USA, who otherwise were "anxious about the fate" 
of every mistreated Jew in foreign countries. Their calcu- 
lation was to use the USSR as a power factor against Ger- 
many and therefore to sacrifice their ethnic brothers whom 
Stalin was executing, and the fate of the German Jews was 
also unimportant. 

Even in 1939, on the eve of World War II, "it cannot be 
denied that feeling among the Russian Jews abroad was to 
set their hopes in the inviolability of the Soviet dictator- 
ship. . . ." Jewish public opinion in the whole world thus 
turned against Russia and in favor of the Bolsheviks." 193 

The correct conclusion is drawn by Aleksandr Solzhen- 
itsyn: "[The fact] that in the Jewish milieu Bolshevism was 
favored affected the general course of events in Europe. 194 

What more need be said? ♦ 



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Jews Fell Under the Bolshevik Steamroller Too 



Under Lenin's "New Economic Policy" (NEP) 
of 1920, which persisted until 1927 and al- 
lowed certain areas of free trade and business, 
the Jews of Russia, due to their often good re- 
lations with foreign authorities and relief organizations, 
assumed a privileged position in comparison with the rest 
of the population in terms of trade and starting new enter- 
prises. In order to stimulate donations and investments 
from the American- Jewish bourgeoisie, the commissars in 
Moscow also developed a "generous" resettlement pro- 
gram. According to Solzhenitsyn: 

Initially, the plans provided for the resettlement of ap- 
proximately 100,000 families, or about 20% of the whole 
Jewish population of the USSR, into the southern Ukraine 
and into the north of the Crimea. It 
was intended to establish new, Jew- 
ish national districts. But many re- 
fused the opportunities this 
presented to go into agriculture de- 
spite their continuing unemploy- 
ment. About half of all Jews who 
said they were willing to be resettled 
actually took up residence in the vil- 
lages of the new colonies. In 
Ukraine and in Belarus about 
455,000 hectares [1,756 sq. mi.] 
were made available for Jewish colonization and in the 
Crimea 697,000 hectares [2,691 sq. mi.]. 

Actually between 1919 and 1923 more than 23,000 
Jews . . . established themselves on lands now standing 
empty in the proximity of the shtetls and cities of the for- 
mer Jewish settlement counties [to which they had been 
confined by the czars]." 195 

Even Jewish journalists abroad found the whole proce- 
dure immoral, since the reassigned lands had been expro- 
priated from the former owners. Those were sitting in 
prison, had been deported into banishment or had already 
been shot. 196 

But at the beginning of the 1930s, when [the govern- 
ment] tried to take away their gold and valuable jewelry 
. . . practically the whole male Jewish population became 
familiar with the interior of the prisons of the GPU. Even 
in their worst nightmares under the czars, Jewish traders 
could not have imagined undergoing such things. In 
order to free themselves from the status of the "persons 
without rights," many Jewish families moved . . . into 



"But at the beginning of the 

1930s, when the government 

tried to take away their gold 

and jewelry, practically the 

whole male Jewish population 

became familiar with the 

prisons of the GPU. " 



the large cities The traders were forced to close their 

businesses. 197 

Even the Jewish agriculture program remained practi- 
cally without lasting effect, because the collectivization of 
agriculture after 1927 expropriated the new Jewish settlers 
again, merging under the slogan "internationalization" the 
Jewish kolchoses with the non- Jewish ones. 198 

As compensation, so to speak, the committee for the 
land settlement of Jewish labor devised a project to resettle 
Jews in general to Birobijan, an area as large as Switzer- 
land and located between two tributaries of the Amur River 
and the Chinese border — in any case, far away from the 
real centers of power and Western Zionist influences. 
But there was no escaping from the Bolsheviks' pro- 
grams to strip people of all ownership 
and property. One sentence of Sol- 
zhenitsyn 's is revelatory: the Bolshe- 
viks were luring Jews at that time into 
resettling in Birobijan with the bait 
that this would protect them from 
falling into the status of "persons 
without rights." 

The author describes what awaited 
them there: 



The families, sent off with excessive 
haste, arrived on location and were horrified at the condi- 
tions they saw. ... In the first work year only 25 farm- 
houses were built and only 125 hectares tilled, on none of 
which seed was sown for the next year. Many did not re- 
main for a long time in Birobijan Of those who arrived 

over the course of the whole year of 1928 more than half 
had abandoned Birobijan by February 1929. 199 

Parallel with the structural changes of 1937, which saw 
the final end of [Lenin's] "New Economic Policy," within 
the Communist Party the overzealous Jewish committees 
and Jewish sections of various agencies that had existed 
since 1918 also were dissolved, whereby "all national 
forms of expression of Russian Jewry, including commu- 
nist outlets, were lost." 200 

Solzhenitsyn from The Jews in the Soviet Union: 

Nevertheless, the closing of the Yevsektsia [Bolshevik 
Russian word for "Jewish sections"] did not excessively 
discourage many of the former section members and other 



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Jewish socialists They remained in the party and state 

apparatus and, above all else, this large number of ener- 
getic Jews in the civil service is what the people saw 

No matter whether one describes all this with statistics 
or with a wealth of specific examples, it is not to be denied 
that a powerful wave of Jews washed into the Soviet bu- 
reaucracy of these years. And this was a state where free- 
dom of speech, freedom of trade and freedom of religion 
were suppressed, not to mention basic human dignity. 201 

In any case, the Jewish culture of the USSR, which 
should properly be designated as "Soviet, proletarian cul- 
ture in the Yiddish language" was, in Solzhenitsyn's words, 
"entirely crushed and plowed under." The autonomous So- 
viet-Jewish school programs also collapsed. Jewish histo- 
riography and the Jewish press also shrank substantially 
between 1928 and 1930, and as early as 1919 the Hebrew 
language, the rival of Yiddish, was shoved into the cate- 
gory of the counter-revolutionary. 

Solzhenitsyn says: 

By 1923 only two Zionist organizations were permitted 
in the Soviet Union. ... In the spring of 1924 there were 
so many arrests (although they were brief) and sentences 
["only between three and 10 years camp detention, after- 
ward reduced] that it reached epidemic proportions. Af- 
terward the [Zionists] went underground — and this 
underground movement was finally smashed only at the 
end of the 1920s. . . . Some of the Zionists remained in 
detention or in banishment. 202 

Quoting Solzhenitsyn: "[Jewish writers deplored later 
those] immoral, thoughtless and shameless people [from 
their own ranks in the service of Bolshevism who had 
torn down] valuable, admired and honored things in Ju- 
daism" and left behind poverty, suffering as well as hope- 
lessness. 203 This also concerned — with exceptions — 
synagogues, prayer shawls, Torah scrolls, prayer books and 
religious writings. 204 Solzhenitsyn says: 

Young Jewish writers and poets expressed their enthu- 
siasm over empty synagogues, lonely rabbis who had no 
more students to instruct, and rascals from the shtetls who 
turned into feared Red commissars. 205 

Within four years, from 1928 to 1931, 138,000 officials 
were removed from public service, and of them 23,000 
were classified under the category "enemies of Soviet 
power" and lost their "citizen rights." . . . From January 
1930 to June 1931 in the Donets region 48% of all engi- 




Stalin: The World's Worst Megamurderer 

Josef Stalin is notorious for millions of political murders, 13 mil- 
lion of which were in the terror famine. Victims of the terror famine 
were chiefly located in the Ukraine and the Kuban steppe. One 
of the blood purges was against the so-called "Doctors Plot." 
Many of the doctors were Jews, as were many other victims of 
Stalinist purges. However, most victims of Stalin and communism 
were non-Jews. Different authorities give various figures for the 
numbers of people killed by Stalin. I.G. Dyadkin estimates 56 to 
62 million "unnatural deaths" for the USSR overall, with 34 to 49 
million under Stalin. Norman Davies refers to 50 million killed dur- 
ing 1924-53, excluding WWII war losses. This would divide (more 
or less) into 33 million killed prewar and 17 million after 1939. 
William Cockerham claims 50 million-plus. Roy Medvedev says 
40 million. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn says 60 million. A median fig- 
ure would be 51 million for the entire Stalin era— 20 million during 
the 1 930s. The Soviet Union and communist China appear to be 
the greatest megamurderers of all history, apparently killing at 
least 100 million people. Stalin is responsible for at least 43 mil- 
lion of these. Most of the deaths, perhaps around 39 million, are 
due to lethal forced labor in gulag and transit thereto. Communist 
China up to 1 987, but mainly from 1 949 through the "cultural rev- 
olution," which alone may have seen over 1 million murdered, is 
the second worst megamurderer. Then there are the lesser com- 
munist megamurderers, such as North Korea, Tito's Yugoslavia 
and the Pol Pot regime in Cambodia. In sum, the communists 
probably have murdered somewhere around 110 million, or near 
two-thirds of all those killed by all governments and others from 
1900 to 1987. Shockingly, the world total is several times the 38 
million that have been killed in all last century's international and 
domestic wars. 



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neers were dismissed or arrested. 206 Those affected were 
allegedly "sabotage specialists." 

When Stalin thrust himself forward after the death of 
Lenin on January 21, 1924 to the apex of the Bolshevik 
Party, he had undoubtedly recognized that he faced a pow- 
erful phalanx of Jewish functionaries who stuck closely 
together and that he would have to skillfully divide them if 
he wished to not be ground up between them. 

First, starting from 1925 he began to gradually push 
Trotsky out of office along with his usually young Jewish 
functionaries under the strategic slogan (used at first for 
tactical anti-Trotsky reasons) of "socialism in one country" 
[build up the Soviet Union's industry and military might 
first] versus Trotsky's notion of "permanent world revolu- 
tion." Then, after a sensation-causing show trial in 1935 
he had G.J. Zinoviev (formerly Apfelbaum) and Levi 
Kamenev (formerly Rosenfeld) liquidated. By this time 
the numbers of top Jewish personnel 
in the party machinery began to no- 
ticeably thin 207 — although, as 
Solzhenitsyn says, "the purges of the 
years 1930-1933 had been aimed pri- 
marily at Russian elements in the 
party." 208 

The "cleansing waves" (purges) 
initiated by Stalin in the years 1937- 
1938 also brought down many Jews. 
It was only the publication of the bio- 
graphic volumes of the new Russian 
Jewish Encyclopedia and the Great Jewish National Biog- 
raphy that has made known to us today so very many 
names, and affiliations with Jewry, of once prominent Jew- 
ish Chekists, GPU and NKVD personnel, officers of the 
Red Army, party officials and diplomats. 

Stalin's "purges" (the glorifying word used for exter- 
mination that the "Western press" immediately adopted as 
their own) not only had a tremendous and lasting effect on 
the party, but also on the entire state apparatus, including 
the highest governing bodies. 

Even if they were not targeting people in an anti-Semitic 
way, nevertheless they even-handedly and in a hard-to- 
understand way, without revealing their governing princi- 
ple, affected a large number of active communist Jews. 

There was no reaction in Russia or abroad to this wave 
of elimination of Jews. Stalin could apparently permit him- 
self anything without losing his international reputation as 
the "little father of the paradise of workers and farmers." 

Solzhenitsyn tells us: 



"Solzhenitsyn supplements 

his enumerations of those shot 

with a long list of prominent 

Jewish names in the Soviet 

party, diplomacy, economy 

and military positions of 

rank & leadership. " 



The commanders of the Red Army also came in great 
number under the steamroller. In the summer of 1938, 
without exception, all the commanders of the military dis- 
tricts who had taken up these posts in the year 1937 had 
disappeared without a trace. The political administration of 
the Red Army suffered its largest losses during the person- 
nel destruction campaign of 1937 after the terrorized 
Gamarnik [People's Commissar for Defense] committed 
suicide. In terms of the political collaborators, all 17 army 
commissars died, 25 of 28 corps commissars and 34 of 36 
brigade and division commissars. We can recognize in the 
lists now published of the military commanders shot in 
1937-38 a considerable percentage of Jews. 209 

Solzhenitsyn presents a long list of prominent Jewish 
names in the Soviet party, diplomacy, economy and mili- 
tary, including their specific careers up to high military 
leadership positions that they occupied through 1941. 210 
Another victim was the civil war ter- 
rorist and later front commander Gre- 
gory Stern, who in March 1939, 
before the XVIIIth Party Congress, 
had overeagerly announced: 



Together, we have destroyed a little 
heap of all sorts of crap — all these Tukha- 
chevskys (Michael N., Marshal, Deputy 
War Commissar), Gamarniks (Defense 
Commissar), Uborevichs (Ieronim), gen- 
eral, military commander of the Belarus re- 
gion) and similar low-lifes. 211 



Another one who did not escape the Cheka firing squad 
was the Red Spain fighter and later commander as well as 
inspector of the Red air fleet Jacob Smushkevich. 212 They 
all had certainly worked their way up the ranks through the 
Terror. Thus one reads about Marshal M.N. Tukhachevsky, 
who was the general responsible in 1921 for the liquidation 
operations against the 50,000 "bandits" (anti-Soviet resist- 
ance farmers) of Alexander Antonov in the province of 
Tambov: "He pulled out all stops: the taking of hostages, 
executions, internment in concentration camps, extermina- 
tion by poisonous gas and deportation of whole villages." 213 

His "Order of the Day No. 171" of June 11, 1921 de- 
manded that subordinates proceed pitilessly to shoot 
everyone who does not give his name or reveal hidden 
weapons, and to shoot hostages, treat families as bandits 
who had granted refuge to anti-communist fighters, and 
to take refugees' property or to burn down their houses. 



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MURDERING THE ROYAL ROMANOVS: In the night of July 16-17, 
1918, a squad of Bolshevik secret police murdered Russia's last em- 
peror, Czar Nicholas II (officially also the King of Poland and the Grand 
Duke of Finland), plus his wife, Empress Alexandra Fyodorovna, and 
their 1 4-year-old son, Czarevich Alexis. The four daughters— all grand 
duchesses— were also killed. They were Olga, Maria, Anastasia and 
Tatiana. All were cut down in a hail of gunfire in a cellar room of a 
house in Yekaterinburg, in the Ural Mountains region. The daughters 



were killed with bayonets after bullets allegedly bounced off jewels 
they had hidden in their corsets. In 1990, Moscow playwright and his- 
torian Edvard Radzinsky announced the result of his detailed investi- 
gation into the murders. He unearthed the reminiscences of Lenin's 
bodyguard, Alexei Akimov, who recounted how he personally delivered 
Lenin's execution order to the telegraph office. The telegram was also 
signed by Soviet government chief Yakov Sverdlov. Akimov saved the 
original telegraph tape as a record of the secret order. 



One day after this Marshal Tukhachevsky added a fur- 
ther order: 

The poison-gassing of the rebels The forests where 

the bandits are hiding are to be cleared by the use of poison 
gas. This must be carefully calculated so that the layer of 
gas penetrates the forests and kills everyone hiding there. 
. . . The inspector of the artillery must immediately order 
the necessary quantities of poison gas and bring up the 
specialists who are competent for such operations. . . . 

His "extermination order" No. 171 had to be with- 
drawn on July 19 on higher orders. But such brutal proce- 
dures were the usual practice at that time for Bolshevik 
troops and obviously also the most important reason for 
his later promotion to the head of the general staff of the 
Red Army and to marshal. 214 

If by 1930 the Jewish section of the CC of the party 
had been already closed, during the process of the Yeshov- 
ina purge of 1937-38 its prominent functionaries were also 
arrested and soon thereafter liquidated. 215 



Many Yevsektsia members also came under the steam- 
roller who had held leading positions in the central and 
local departments of the All-Union Society for the Agri- 
cultural Resettlement of Jewish Workers as well as in the 
social, cultural and educational institutions of Soviet 
Jewry. [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 324] 

The Jewish school and training systems also came 
under repression. Jewish scientific institutions were closed 
and Jewish writers and artists, however eccentric and de- 
generate their Stalin cult, were not spared. The din sur- 
rounding the "construction of socialism" drowned out all 
suspicions of anti-Semitism. 

Solzhenitsyn also reminds us of the fates of many Russ- 
ian-Jewish socialists who had not followed the Bolsheviks 
or had even fought against them. An accounting of those 
victims would distract from the fact that a great number of 
the perpetrators of Jewish origins were still in charge during 
the years 1937-1939 from Yeshov to finally Beria. 

A similar repression also hit two-thirds of the exiled 
German anti-fascists living in the USSR, and the Polish 



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Communist Party was completely liquidated. These num- 
bers became accessible after Nikita Khrushchev ordered 
studies done at the XXIInd Party Congress of the CPSU in 
1956. [The Black Book of Communism, p. 330] 

In Solzhenitsyn 's handling of the true extent of the per- 
secution of Jews during the Yeshov era (1937-38), based on 
what he found in the Jewish encyclopedias and other 
books by Jewish authors, Solzhenitsyn began to have 
doubts and to notice contradictions. 

On the one hand, Solzhenitsyn refers to the dissolution 
that was ordered in 1938 of the Jewish sections of the 
Communist Party, sections which had existed for many 
years. Solzhenitsyn refers to "the across-the-board arrests 
of high Yevsektsia functionaries in Moscow, as well as of 
the whole upper level of the administration of the Jewish 
resettlement organization." 

Solzhenitsyn then quotes an S. Schwartz, who had 
written: "In the context of the purge, nearly all Jewish 
communists left the stage who had 
played any important roles." [Vol. II, 
The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 339] 

Then the great Russian author 
refers to the Book of Russian Jewry, 
which claimed that ". . . after the Yesh- 
ov terror in the Soviet Union not one 
personality of any name in Jewish pub- 
lic life, in journalism, culture or even 
science remained free." [Vol. II, The 
Jews in the Soviet Union, pp. 138, 332] 

A recent historian even opines that 
of the "over 50 percent" Jews among the most important 
NKVD apparatchiks, by January 1939 only six percent re- 
mained. This "purge ratio" with a remainder of only "six 
percent" might be a substantial exaggeration on the part of 
interested parties, intent on highlighting their role, as usual, 
as "victims" and making the reader forget their own terrible 
complicity in communist crimes. [Vol. II, The Jews in the 
Soviet Union, p. 308] 

Solzhenitsyn opposes to this the fact that half a million 
Jews had remained as state officials at the same time, oc- 
casionally in important positions, and the influx of Jewish 
migrants continued, particularly from Ukraine into 
Moscow. [Vol. II, Jews in the Soviet Union, pp. 330-331] 

In addition, he brings up the incredible preference for 
Jews in the education system, which had begun in 1917: 
"In 1935 the Jewish percentage of college students was 
nearly 7 times the Jewish percentage of the country as a 

whole In 1929, 13.5% of all students at the universities 

of the USSR were Jews, in 1933 12.2%, in 1936 13.3%, 



"In the context of the purge, 

nearly all Jewish communists 

left the stage. After the Yeshov 

terror, not one person of any 

name in Jewish public life, 
in journalism, culture 

or science remained free. " 



and of doctoral students they were 1 8% with a Jewish por- 
tion of 1.8%) of the population." [Vol. II, The Jews in the 
Soviet Union, p. 331] 

The effect this had on the composition of the leadership 
class in all areas of state activity was as one would expect. 
In The Little Jewish Encyclopedia, however, without of 
course indicating the true reason — continuous revolution- 
ary terror — for the high Jewish ratios in comparison to 
their population average of 1.8%>, we read: "Country- wide, 
by end of the 1920s already 13.6%o of those active in the 
sciences were Jews, in 1937. . . already 17.6%o. In 1939 
they represented over 1 5,000 scientists and university pro- 
fessors, i.e. 15.7%o of those so employed." [Vol. II, The 
Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 337] 

Solzhenitsyn mentions further examples from culture 

and the press as well as of those who daily churned out 

atrocity propaganda. He raises the issue of "an ocean of 

vile brochures meant to make idiots of the masses." [Vol. 

II, Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 336] 

"Among the film directors of the 
1930s Jews formed a clear majority. 
Who was being suppressed here, the 
viewer being treated as a fool, with his 
soul flattened with lies and crude di- 
dactics or the directors who manufac- 
tured falsified movie biographies, 
pseudo-historical movies and current- 
events propaganda films with all their 
inflated monumentality and inner 
emptiness?" 
Rather disapprovingly, The Jewish Encyclopedia notes: 
"An inconceivable number of Jews, cameramen and direc- 
tors made popular-science movies, instructional and doc- 
umentary films; these were the Soviet films that were the 
most strongly affected by the state, and here a skillful cut- 
ting and splicing technique permitted them to present ten- 
dentiously arranged materials as genuine film documents." 
The official Soviet atmosphere of the 1930s was com- 
pletely free of animosity toward Jews, and until the begin- 
ning of war [in 1939, right after Stalin signed his 
Non- Aggression Pact with Hitler] an overwhelming major- 
ity of Soviet Jews probably remained well-disposed toward 
the Soviet ideology. [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, 
pp. 334-335] At this point Solzhenitsyn comes back to 
Grigory Aronson and on page 140 throws his own state- 
ment back at him: 

The Jews were not robbed of their general citizen 
rights They continued to occupy posts in the state and 



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party machinery, and in the diplomatic corps as among the 
army generals and the university professors there were still 

some Jews Thus we enter the year 1939." [Vol. II, The 

Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 332] 

Solzhenitsyn found the summarizing confession of The 
Jewish Encyclopedia impressive: "It was precisely at the 
end of the 1930s that the Jews reached the high point of 
their importance in the different areas of life in Soviet so- 
ciety within the whole era that Soviet power existed." [Vol. 
II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 338] 

But it was during this "high point" that, as historical 
science proves, there were 40 million victims of political 
terror, among whom, it should not be overlooked, there 
were at least some thousands, if not more, of hapless Jew- 
ish victims. 

Here Solzhenitsyn has correctly recognized that doubts 
are appropriate about the representations of the Jewish en- 
cyclopedias and all the authors who write the history of 
their own brethren in connection with the Stalin era. After 
all, they stand before the delicate task of explaining to the 
world why their brethren served the Bolshevik system and 
from the outset could support those responsible for the per- 
secutions. It could not have been for humanitarianism, for 
the Red Terror of Lenin and Stalin was its exact opposite. 

The very concealment and playing down of these sin- 
gular crimes, which were world-historical in their nature 
and scope, could not forever remain hidden as to the meth- 
ods, the order of magnitude and the perpetrators. And as- 
signments of blame to others are unconvincing. And so 
they become entangled in constant contradictions and lies, 
on the one hand praising their "clever brethren," so numer- 
ous in high state positions, in the economy, in academic 
occupations, receiving titles and medals, and on the other 
hand attempt to serve their mandatory role as poor victims 
who need the compassion of the world. 

After all, postwar they had to display without reserva- 
tion their enthusiasm for the "great, peace-loving Soviet 
Union" in its "liberation struggle for civilization" and with 
its "Jewish 'Heroes of the Soviet Union." This was neces- 
sary to maintain their dogmatic and singular defamation 
of National Socialist Germany and drive from the con- 
sciousness of mankind the incredible performance of the 
Third Reich during the peace years in building a solid, 
happy country. 

For all that, one fact remains: The Germans did not first 
bring up this small people in their evaluation of Bolshe- 
vism! It was the Russians themselves and the other peoples 
of the world! ♦ 




The Ukrainian independence movement actually predated the 
Stalin era. Ukraine, which is about the size of France, had been 
under the domination of the czars of Russia for 200 years. With 
the collapse of Russian rule in March 1917, it seemed the long- 
awaited opportunity for independence had finally arrived. Ukrain- 
ians declared their country to be an independent republic and 
re-established the ancient capital city of Kiev as their seat of gov- 
ernment. However, by the end of 1 91 7, Vladimir Lenin sought to 
reclaim all the areas formerly controlled by the czars, especially 
Ukraine. As a result, four years of chaos and conflict followed in 
which Ukrainian nationalist troops fought against Lenin's Red 
Army, and also against Russia's White Army (troops still loyal to 
the czar) as well as other invading forces, including the Germans 
and Poles. By 1921 , the battles ended with a Soviet victory. But 
the resistance continued. The people refused to become cogs 
in the Soviet farm machine and remained stubbornly determined 
to return to their pre-Soviet farming lifestyle. Some refused to 
work at all, leaving the wheat and oats to rot in unharvested 
fields. Once again, they were placing themselves in conflict with 
Stalin. Stalin responded to their unyielding defiance by dictating 
a policy that would deliberately cause mass starvation and result 
in the deaths of millions. An estimated 7-10 million persons per- 
ished in the farming area of Ukraine, known as the breadbasket 
of Europe, with the people deprived of the food they had grown 
with their own hands. Shown are victims of the terror famine. 




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At War With Germany 



This topic undoubtedly was too much for Solzhen- 
itsyn. He did not investigate it as a researcher, 
but instead copied everything, unverified, from 
Jewish sources, in certain cases from Pravda and 
Izvestia, from three Russian books as well as from the pro- 
ceedings of the Nuremberg military tribunal held by the 
victors in 1945-46. For this whole chapter with its 179 
footnotes — he did not consult one single neutral or Ger- 
man historical source. 

This is extraordinarily shameful for this man whom we 
otherwise must highly respect. Here he remains a captain 
of the Red Army that marched in 1945 into East Prussia. 

Thus he serves up all our "old acquaintances," the tales 
from Allied reeducation literature, as if they were "proven 
historical facts." The fact that they have long been scien- 
tifically disproved, or that any further 
examination and doubting of certain 
happenings is punishment in the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany by up to 
five years in prison, is something that 
Solzhenitsyn does not mention with 
one word. 

Therefore, one could ignore this 
chapter with its 45 pages and 179 
source references without comment as 
unsubstantiated — were there not de- 
tails placed to the fore over and over 
again of which the reader cannot be expected to have spe- 
cific knowledge and concerning which he gets no refer- 
ence points for testing these details. Besides this, the 
normal reader does not expect the sudden break in style 
between the previous excellent source investigations and 
the subsequent unchecked copying from party publications 
and superficial propaganda. 

"The systematically accomplished plan for the destruc- 
tion of millions of Jewish lives" [Vol. II, The Jews in the 
Soviet Union, p. 401] is a "plan" neither submitted for our 
inspection by Solzhenitsyn, nor described, nor examined 
on the basis of concrete facts, but simply claimed by him 
under the motto "We assume from the fact that. . . ." [Vol. 
II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 393] The author also 
does not refer to the fact that there has not been one inter- 
national investigation of this momentous topic, neither 
during the war nor afterward. 

The beginning of the Russia campaign, we are here 
told, rang in a new phase for German National Socialism, 
"the total physical destruction of the Jews." [Vol. II, The 



"It was far better to know that 

the Jews were in the Russian 

hinterland and leave Hitler 

nothing, rather than to hand 

them over to him as work 
slaves as well as their livestock, 
food supplies and materials. " 



Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 358] Here already Solzhenit- 
syn has demonstrably shot himself in the foot. 

CASE1: 

On pages 404-536 he concerns himself with all the 
many Jewish survivors in Russia and occasionally also in 
the rest of Eastern Europe. We read that those Jews willing 
to emigrate to Palestine were offered the former Volga Re- 
public [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 407], we 
learn that "Jewish requests to have the Crimea" are being 
studied [p. 408], and that in 1946/47 "5,000-6,000 Jewish 
settlers from the Ukraine were sent to Birobijan," [p. 408] 
But let us stay first in the year 1941 . Solzhenitsyn con- 
firms with various proofs, even from "a number of Jewish 
sources," that the Soviet leadership after the beginning of 
the war there on June 22, 1941 gave 
orders for the preferential evacuation 
of the Jews from the western border 
districts issue and to move, with 
"many thousands of train cars and 
many thousands of carts ... 1 to 1 . 1 
million" Jews into safer hinterland 
production areas. [Vol. II, The Jews in 
the Soviet Union, pp. 359-361] The 
refugee ratio of 80% was surely not 
reached everywhere, but the efforts 
for Jewish evacuation probably ap- 
proximated this figure. 

Stuart Kahan confirms the preferential evacuation of 
Jews in his biography of Lazar Kaganovich: 

At the urging of Lazar Kaganovich, Stalin ordered the 
evacuation of all persons living in the border areas, par- 
ticularly Jews, who made up most of the area. Stalin did 
not love the Jews, but the order they received was to burn 
their houses down, kill their livestock and retreat to the in- 
terior of Russia. ... It was far better to know that the Jews 
were in the Russian hinterland and leave Hitler nothing, 
rather than to hand them over to him as work slaves as well 
as their livestock, food supplies and other materials. [The 
Wolf of the Kremlin, p. 205] 

Solzhenitsyn notes that there are Jewish writers — such 
as Schwartz and later researchers — who deny both the ex- 
istence of such an instruction and the evacuation of the 
Jews as such by the Soviet government with the argument 
that this never appeared "in the press." The latter is true 



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1 

i 



but has only formal significance in Soviet practice. [Vol. 
II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, pp. 360, 364] After all, the 
"Hunger Holocaust" of the Ukrainians and other peoples 
with millions of dead, and many other important happen- 
ings, never appeared in the Soviet press. [Utopie der Sau- 
berung: Was war der Kommunismus? ', p. 172] 
Solzhenitsyn adds: 

However, both the early and the later sources give quite 
similar estimations as to the numbers of Jews who fled or 
were evacuated from the areas occupied by the Germans. 
Official Soviet statistics on this are lacking. [Vol. II, The 
Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 360] 

Of the approximately 3,080,000 Jews who lived in 
1941 in the area of the "old" (pre-WWII) USSR, 900,000 
lived beyond the German invasion area, so that before the 
evacuation 2,180,000 were present within the German 
army's operations area range. The Jews to be added to this 
number from eastern Poland and the Baltic states were an 
estimated 1,885,000. Of these "only 10-12% could escape 
or be evacuated." Either the percentage indicated by 
Solzhenitsyn must have been substantially higher, or the 
number of evacuated Russian Jews actually must have 
reached 2 million, because he arrives at a total number of 



Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, a devout Christian, appears to have 
been a firm supporter of Russian President Vladimir Putin. On 
June 5, 2007, Putin signed a decree conferring the State Prize of 
the Russian Federation for the humanitarian work of Solzhenitsyn. 
Here, President Putin personally visits the writer at his home on 
June 12, 2007, to give him the award. Solzhenitsyn defended the 
regime of former KGB Colonel Putin, and actively supported 
Putin's assertive foreign policy. Putin described Solzhenitsyn as 
"a strong, courageous person with enormous dignity." The two men 
shared a vision of Russia as a restored state, a state that would 
play a central role as a respected nation in the world community. 
But their vision of how to achieve this was different. Solzhenitsyn 
remained attached to a romantic notion of Russia's greatness and 
spiritual revival. Putin believes in a strong state, but one committed 
to continuing reform, a market economy and human rights. It is a 
vision that would in some ways be at home in the West. Solzhen- 
itsyn returned to Russia after becoming disillusioned with what he 
considered the spiritual vacuum of the materialistic West. Said 
Putin of the former dissident: "His activities as a writer and public 
figure, his entire long, thorny life journey will remain for us a model 
of true devotion, selfless service to the people, motherland, the 
ideals of freedom, justice and humanism." Solzhenitsyn had re- 
cently spoken out against many of Putin's policies. He criticized 
Putin for not removing the immunity from prosecution enjoyed by 
Russia's parliamentarians. Solzhenitsyn died August 3, 2008 at 
age 89, just as TBR was preparing to go to press. 



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Jewish evacuees including refugees — although this is "ac- 
cording to optimistic calculation — of 2,226,000." [Vol. II, 
The Jews in the Soviet Union, pp. 361] 

The documents of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee 
confirm "approximately 1 .5 million Jewish evacuees" who 
went to Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and other Central Asian 
republics; this does not include the Volga region. [Vol. II, 
The Jews in the Soviet Union, pp. 361-362] 

Using Solzhenitsyn's numbers, there lived (in the later 
German occupied part of the Soviet Union) 2,180,000 
Jews, adding 1,885,000 from eastern Poland and the Baltic 
States, the total is 4,065,000. Subtracting 2,226,000 who 
were evacuated by the communists into the interior of the 
Soviet Union, it left, according to Solzhenitsyn, 1,839,000 
Jews under German control. However, using the number of 
1,500,000 evacuees from the JAFK report, 2,565,000 were 
actually left. 

This figure remains unstated by Solzhenitsyn, but in 
reality it is the crucial one, and it 
caused Jewish authors who came 
decades too late to deny out of hand 
the whole Jewish evacuation to the 
Russian hinterland. For how otherwise 
should their "6 million [murdered 
Jews]" figure come off? 

Solzhenitsyn, however, calls any 
questioning or even minimalizing of 
the [extensive] Jewish evacuation 
"perfectly unjustified." [Vol. II, The 
Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 362] 

In any case, between June and November of 1941 ap- 
proximately 12 million people as well as industrial plants, 
raw materials and also cattle were removed in time from 
the areas threatened by German troops. [Vol. II, The Jews 
in the Soviet Union, p. 363]: 

Starting in 1946 the Communist Party began ... a cam- 
paign against anti-Semitism and accustomed the popula- 
tion gradually to the fact that Jews were moving up into 
crucial posts in the most varying spheres of activity in the 
Soviet [governmental] and economic decision centers. 
[Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 409] 

When right after the war Polish citizens were con- 
ducted back to Poland, many non-Polish Jews exploited 
this opportunity and went along with them. ... In the Pol- 
ish puppet government of the post-war period, in the civil 
service, and in Polish state security there arose a large pre- 
dominance of Jews, which later wold have serious conse- 
quences for the mass of [genuine] Polish Jews. 

Completely local conflicts also developed after the in 



"Solzhenitsyn estimates less than 

2 million Jews remained under 

German control. This figure 

begs the question: 'How then 

did the Germans manage 

to "holocaust" 4 million 

non-existent Jews' '"? 



the other [Soviet-occupied] countries of Eastern Europe: 
In all these countries Jews played a very significant role 
in economic life. . . . The Jews who returned demanded 
the return of their enterprises if they had not been nation- 
alized by the communists. That led to a new upsurge in 
hostility toward the Jews. [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet 
Union, p. 409] 

One may note here not only a pushing forward of Jews 
in 1945 into leading positions in the Eastern European 
satellite states, but also the presence in them all of "a mass 
of Polish Jews." 

The Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (JAFC) continued 
to exist and there "arose a . . . growing and spreading 
Jewish movement." [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, 
p. 412] In Russia so many "nationalist feelings began bub- 
bling" as a result that, "apparently frightened," Stalin 
"changed decisively" his [favorable] policy toward the 
Jews, after the end of 1948. [p. 410] 
Solzhenitsyn elaborates on the 
banishment of mass numbers of Jews 
from the political realm: 



At the beginning of the Cold War the 
USSR's discrimination against the Jews 
became one of the major cards the anti- 
Soviet West played against Stalin. [Vol. II, 
The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 358] In 
January 1948 Stalin ordered the displace- 
ment of the Jews from Soviet culture in a 
major diversionary maneuver." [p. 413] 



What was worse for them: The displacement of the 
Jews from important areas of production, administration, 
culture and ideology . . . between 1948 and 1953 as- 
sumed: 

[A] never previously seen extent. The main blow dur- 
ing the purge was directed against the relatively numerous 
middle layer of the Jewish elite — against the administra- 
tive employees ... as well as the journalists, professors 
and other representatives of the creative intelligentsia. . . . 

However, if one examines the [figures for the] scientific 
cadres, the statistics look as follows: Jews accounted for 
13.6% of all scientists in the country by the end of the 
1920s; by 1937 this number had risen to 17.5%, and in 
1950 [had sunk only] to 5.4%. 

There were 25,125 Jews among the 162,508 scientific 
workers in the USSR. [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet 
Union, p. 417] 



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On the other hand, in 1953 nearly all Jewish generals 
and about 300 colonels and lieutenant colonels were sent 
into retirement. [Vol. II, Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 418] 

Two facts seem important from the time after Stalin's 
death: 

1) "After Stalin's death many Jews who had lost their 
jobs would return: during the thaw phase many of the old 
Zionists were . . . released from the [gulag] camps." [Vol. 
II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 424] Thus we read 
once again of many — whole groups. 

2) A country- wide census in 1959 in the USSR indi- 
cated that 2,268,000 Jews lived there. 

However there are also voices warning not to trust this 
number: "It is well known that there are more Jews in the 
USSR than the censuses indicated." For the count, a Jew 
would indicate his desired nationality, not the nationality 
listed in his passport. [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet 
Union, p. 433] 

How could this high Soviet Jewish number be possible 
if the Eastern European and Russian Jews had been totally 
destroyed in World War II? 

CASE 2: 

During the entire German-Soviet war there were only 
"a few public mentions of the fate of the Jews in the Ger- 
man-occupied areas." [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet 
Union, p. 365] This is all the more amazing since the main 
Soviet mass-murder advocate Ilya Ehrenburg was "proud 
to be a Jew." [Ernste de Todes: Stalin s Holocaust in der 
Ukraine, p. 133], and in all the psychopathic excesses of 
his flaming hate propaganda against the German people, 
the Jewish topic was an additional personal priority. 

A) We read in a Stalin speech of November 6, 1941, 
without reference to any specific incident: 



The Black Ravens 

These "black ravens," as the Moscovites called 
them, transported prisoners from the Cheka's 
Lubyanka headquarters into the infamous jails of 
Lefortovo or Butyrka, both also in Moscow. The 
black ravens looked similar to those "poison gas 
wagons" camouflaged as delivery vans for bakery 
shops, by whose exhaust gases uncounted kulaks 
were killed at the beginning of the 1930s in the 
USSR while being driven from the prisons. The for- 
mer Red Army general Peter Grigorenko, who him- 
self was later arrested, described them in his 
memoirs (Erinnerungen, Munich 1981 , p. 274-276. 
See Historische Tatsachen No. 48, pp. 35-36. 



The Nazis organize medieval anti- Jewish pogroms 
just as gladly as did the czarist regime. Hitler's party is a 
party ... of medieval reaction and of pogroms like the 
Black Hundreds. [From roughly 1900 to 1917, the Black 
Hundreds, and their street activists, the Yellow Shirts, 
verbally and physically attacked leftist revolutionaries 
and Jews. — Ed.] 

This was the only time before May 8, 1945, the date of 
the German surrender, when the Generalissimo publicly 
addressed this topic. [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, 
p. 365] 

B) On January 7, 1942 Izvestia cited a report from For- 
eign Commissar Vyacheslav Molotov according to which 
German troops supposedly shot Jews in numerous places 
such as in Kiev, Lvov ("Lemberg" in German), Odessa and 
Kamenets Podolsk. Molotov gave numbers but no details 
as to place with the exception of Kiev. 

There, it was claimed, "in a terrible slaughter, women 
and children of all age groups were driven together. They 
had to strip naked and were beaten before they all were 
shot with machine pistols." [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet 
Union, p. 365] 

None of these data were verifiable, contained exact lo- 
calities, dates or names of the persons responsible or of 
the informants. The case of Kiev, the Ukrainian capital, 
(where the Moscow rulers had not yet begun pointing the 
finger at the ravine of Babi Yar) later on was fleshed out 
with at first 33,771 shot, allegedly under the guidance of 
SS Colonel Paul Blobel and his Einsatzkommando. By the 
end of the war this figure had expanded to over 100,000. 

But all of this turned out to be a crude wartime lie. No 
mass remains of corpses could be found. The Soviets did 
not even look for them. Instead, immediately after the Red 



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Army returned to Kiev, the "scene of 
the crime" was chosen as a city gar- 
bage dump — the best, although most 
macabre method, of making any in- 
ternational examination commissions 
impossible. 

After 1945 a giant monument was 
erected in Kiev "to the memory of 
those murdered by the fascists at 
Babi Yar," but that chiseling in stone 
does not substitute for hard proof of 
murder. [Vergl, Historische Tatsach- 
en, No. 51 (a German-language Re- 
visionist magazine published by his- 
torian Udo Walendy)] 

As concerns the remaining places 
specified by Molotov or by others in 
subsequent years, after conquering 
back these areas the Soviet Union has 
never carried out or permitted any in- 
ternationally supervised investiga- 
tions. Not one mass grave has been 
presented after 1945 to the interna- 
tional public with proved German re- 
sponsibility. Solzhenitsyn does not 
write this, but it is a historical fact that 
he should have considered and expressed. 

C) On December 19, 1942 the Soviet Union signaled 
its accord with the "International Declaration of the United 
Nations." As is well known, from the outset the UN was an 
organization of the Allied war coalition. The so-named 
"Declaration" had been put together under the influence 
of the Jewish World Congress and the Jewish secretary of 
the Treasury, Henry Morgenthau Jr. With the help of 
Franklin D. Roosevelt, Morgenthau, as is well known, ex- 
ercised an extraordinarily strong effect on U.S. foreign pol- 
icy while skirting the U.S. Secretary of State Cordell Hull. 

This "International Declaration" was not the result of 
concrete investigations or knowledge, but was designed 
exclusively for its influence as war-propaganda. That is an- 
other thing that Solzhenitsyn does not write, but it follows 
from the declaration's content. [Vergl, Historische Tat- 
sachen, No. 39, p. 10] 

Said "International Declaration" refers to an imaginary 
"plan of Hitler" to exterminate "European Jewry." This 
"plan," however, has never been found, and all its claimed 
horrors have left no traces behind. They remain thus the 
mere claims of a war party, one that later proudly trum- 
peted the organization and effect of its "black propa- 




Vyacheslav Molotov was Stalin's trusted 
henchman, helping to purge many "oppo- 
sitionists." Throughout the 1930s he was 
the formal head of the Soviet government 
and was the only prominent "Old Bolshe- 
vik" to survive the purges, no doubt due to 
his fanatical loyalty to Stalin. He even 
signed the arrest order for his own wife. 
During the Winter War (1 939-40), Molotov 
claimed that the Soviet Union was not 
dropping bombs but rather delivering food 
to the starving Finns, so the Finns started 
to call the bombs Molotov breadbaskets. 
Soon they responded by attacking ad- 
vancing tanks with "Molotov cocktails." 



ganda." This was a typical example 
of what the British chief propagan- 
dist Sefton Delmer admitted, "lying 
from morning till night." He ex- 
plained the official principle of his 
actions: "Precision first and in all 

things Lying, fraud — everything 

is permitted. . . . What has proved 
best, if possible, is to put words into 
a dead man's mouth. . . ." [Die 
Deutschen und ich, pp. 549, 590, 
617,658,682] 

This corresponded exactly to So- 
viet tastes when inserted into the 
dogma world of "dialectic material- 
ism" and the interests of the USSR. 

Solzhenitsyn examines neither 
the contents of this "declaration" nor 
the methods of communist ideology, 
which made lies, fraud and dictatorial 
arbitrariness, without any considera- 
tion for humanity, the mandatory 
basic principle of the actions of the 
state. On the other hand, he expressed 
surprise that this "International Dec- 



laration" remained vague and unspe- 
cific and did not trigger "the usual series of notices and 
articles in the Soviet press." [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet 
Union, p. 366] 

D) The thematic silence about the Jews in Moscow's 
war journalism went even beyond the end of war — except- 
ing that of Ilya Ehrenburg, who suddenly, on January 4, 
1945, 23 days before the "liberation" of Auschwitz and 
unaware of what happened there, denounced the murder 
of 6 million Jews. [Stalin s War of Extermination, pp.160 
and 303] The Soviet commission of inquiry report on 
Auschwitz of May 7, 1945 did not mention any destruction 
of Jews, but only of citizens of the Soviet Union and many 
other European states. [Vergl, Historische Tatsachen, Nos. 
31&33J 

CASE 3: 

In the year 1943 the "Special Commission to Investi- 
gate the Crimes of Hitler" issued seven reports to the pub- 
lic. The German uncovering in 1941 of the Soviet 
mass-murder in Katyn Forest the previous year had incited 
Moscow to an immediate propagandistic counter-offen- 
sive. On Stalin's instructions, in April/May 1940 Lavrenti 
Beria and his NKVD people murdered over 4,500 impris- 



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oned Polish officers in their camp at 
Kosielsk, about 250 km (150 miles) 
southeast of Smolensk (now in Be- 
larus). The German armed forces 
opened this mass-murder site to the 
international public after they 
learned of it in April 1943. Another 
10,000 missing Polish officers from 
the Soviet camps Starobielsk and 
Ostashkov were not, however, found 
at that time. [Historische Tatsachen, 
No. 95, p. 36, footnote 51] 

This connection — the whole case 
of Katyn — is not even mentioned by 
Solzhenitsyn, yet it is essential in 
any evaluation of the 1943 Soviet 
propaganda initiative called the 
"Special Commission." 

But it is notable that Solzhenitsyn 
did emphasize that of these seven So- 
viet reports "where individual loca- 
tions and acts of extermination of 
Russian prisoners of war and de- 
struction of cultural monuments 
were investigated," only one report 
concerned itself with Jews, who were 
"killed in the Stavropol region 
[northern Caucasus] near the city of Mineralnye Vody." But 
no one has ever heard of this supposed massacre again. 
[Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 366] 

CASE 4: 

Solzhenitsyn also noticed that during a speech by 
Nikita Khrushchev in Kiev in March 1944 — the topic 
being the sufferings of those who had to live through the 
[German] Occupation in the Ukraine — "the Jews were not 
mentioned." [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 366 
andAronson, p. 146] 

Thus Khrushchev, this exponent in the Ukraine for 
many years of Moscow rule — from 1938-1949 he was the 
First Party Secretary and chairman of the Soviet of Peo- 
ple's Commissars of the Ukraine, and after 1934 even a 
member of the Central Committee of the CPSU — never 
took seriously himself the story about Babi Yar and the al- 
leged murder of 33,771 Jews. That was later increased to 
100,000! 

Since in March 1944 he was not speaking as a private 
person but as a party official and lieutenant general (a po- 
litical commissar), he demonstrated the fact that the Mus- 




After Josef Stalin's death, Nikita Sergeye- 
vich Khrushchev launched his de-Staliniza- 
tion campaign with a secret speech to the 
XXth Party Congress. His denunciation of 
Stalin's abuses of power, deportation of eth- 
nic minorities and mass terror led to the re- 
lease of thousands of political prisoners. In 
1962, during a short-lived liberalization, Sol- 
zhenitsyn was allowed to publish One Day in 
the Life of Ivan Denisovich, the searing tale of 
a man's struggle to survive a winter day's im- 
prisonment in the gulag archipelago. 



covite leadership always understood 
the Babi Yar crime that they laid on 
German troops to be only a war 
propaganda fairy tale. 

The reality confirms the Pravda 
report mentioned on p. 17 of issue 
No. 51 of Historische Tatsachen, 
wherein Nikita Khrushchev, as a 
head of the government of the USSR 
(1957-64), condemned the Babi Yar 
monument in Kiev for its reference 
to Jews. 



CASE 5: 

Incidentally, it was into the 
Ukraine, after it was conquered back 
by the Red Army in 1943 that "a 
most powerful reverse flow of re- 
fugees occurred," a remark obvi- 
ously referring to Jews, because "the 
returning bosses and owners of en- 
viable dwellings were received in the 
most unfriendly manner by the pop- 
ulation." [Vol. II, The Jews in the So- 
viet Union, p. 406] 

Even the likewise returning Niki- 
ta Khrushchev seems to have favored 
this tendency by accusing Jews of "committing not a few 
sins in the past toward the Ukrainian people" and pointing 
them instead toward Birobijan in the Far East (Stalin's 
"Jewish Autonomous Republic"). 

Of his own "sins" against the Ukrainian people during 
the Soviet retreat of June- July 1941, when he ordered the 
liquidation of all political prisoners, Khrushchev certainly 
did not speak. Solzhenitsyn too was silent about this, at 
least over the extent of these crimes. [Vol. II, The Jews in 
the Soviet Union, p. 406] 

Solzhenitsyn does mention, however, another flow of 
Jewish refugees: those who — after approximately 454,000 
Volga Germans were driven out of their lands beginning in 
August 1941 — pushed into the "freed-up and desirable liv- 
ing areas," so much so that the Jewish Anti-Fascist Com- 
mittee submitted a request to Moscow for the "transfer of 
the former republic of the Volga Germans to the Jews." 
This petition makes it clear that the Jewish settlements al- 
ready there were by no means few in size or number. [Vol. 
II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 407] 

In addition the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee strongly 
petitioned to get the northern Crimea for the Jews, after 



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Stalin had expelled the Crimean Tatars, in order to acquire 
their "freed-up and desirable living areas" also. 

Solzhenitsyn adds: "These Jewish requests for the 
Crimea were used soon thereafter as proof of a "plan for 
high treason" by the members of the JAFC. [Vol. II, The 
Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 408] 

We are not aware of any Jewish survivor statistics 
where all these returnees are also counted. 

CASE 6: 

The total number of Jewish soldiers in the Red Army is 
designated in Jewish publications as 500,000 to 550,000. 
There must be added to them possibly another 25,000- 
30,000 Jewish partisans, who were called up only later into 
the Red Army. [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, pp. 
375-376] With a total of 19.65 million wartime draftees 
into the Red Army 1941-1945 [p. 378], the Jewish per- 
centage, at approximately 2.6-2.7%, even given any pos- 
sible uncertainty over the numbers in 
use, exceeds substantially the Jewish 
percentage of the total Soviet popula- 
tion of 1.8%. The Russian western 
areas and the Polish eastern areas that 
had been heavily settled by Jew. In 
view of the claimed "total extermina- 
tion policy during National Socialist 
rule" [p. 358] (with its "millions of 
Jewish victims") [p. 401], this statistic 
about the Jewish percentage of draft- 
ees raises serious questions or, more 
precisely, it disproves these claims. 

It must always be kept in mind that Solzhenitsyn has 
made use exclusively of Jewish sources and the central 
archives of the Russian Ministry of Defense. 

CASE 7: 

Mikhail Sheinman, a regional secretary since the 1920s 
of the Komsomol (the Soviet youth organization), after- 
ward prominently involved in the "Federation of the Mil- 
itant Godless," a graduate of the "Institute of Red 
Professorship" and a coworker in the Press and Printing 
Section of the CC of the CPSU, fell into German hands in 
1941 and "survives as a Jew — and a high communist po- 
litical functionary — in a camp throughout the whole war in 
Germany." 

How does this agree with the "policy of total extermi- 
nation"? 

Solzhenitsyn merely acts surprised at this, and also 
over the fact that, unlike almost all the other "released 



muzhiks," in 1946 he lands a job in the Museum of Reli- 
gious History and then in the Institute of History of the 
Academy of Sciences. [Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet 
Union, p. 381-382] 

This sums up all that Solzhenitsyn had to report about 
official Soviet reaction to the "total-destruction policy of 
the National Socialists toward the Jews" of Russia — that, 
and the clear statement that "the Soviet mass media played 
down information about the atrocities committed by the 
[German] Occupation against the Jews." [Vol. II, The Jews 
in the Soviet Union, p. 368] 

He did not indicate any reasons for this mass-media 
policy. Aside from mentioning Soviet announcements, he 
does not examine anything related to what he designates 
as the "total destruction of the Jews by the National So- 
cialists." 

This corresponds accurately with what the New York- 
born historian Joseph Bellinger described in 1949: 



"Our main problem was that 

we did not have very many 

proofs of war crimes [against 

the Germans] on hand . . . 

and were dependent on the 

Soviets for furnishing 

such proofs. " 



In addition, there were substantial 
problems connected with furnishing un- 
impeachable legal evidence as to the acts 
charged against the armed forces of the 
Axis. The pitiful results that relevant in- 
vestigations had produced were already 
giving stomach pains to the Western Al- 
lies in 1945. Telford Taylor reports: "Our 
main problem was that we did not have 
very many proofs of war crimes on hand 
. . . and were dependent on the Soviet 

Union for furnishing such proofs." [HimmlersTod: Feitod 

oderMord?,p. 35] 

The British minister of foreign affairs, Anthony Eden, 
rejected, however, Soviet suggestions that instead of proofs 
there should be show trials with subsequent executions of 
the accused. [Himmlers Tod: Feitod oder Mord?, p. 35] 

The only entity still raising this idea was the Jewish 
Anti-Fascist Committee (JAFC). Its leader, Henry Ehrlich, 
was released from prison in 1941. 

Solzhenitsyn clarifies: 

But in December 1941 the leaders of the committee, 
who had taken too many liberties, were arrested. Ehrlich 
hanged himself in prison. However, in the spring of 1942 
a Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee was drummed up anew. 
[Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 369] 

This time exclusively "Soviet Jews" sat on it, under the 



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guidance of the Chekist Shakhne Epstein at the helm. 
Solzhenitsyn makes no mention of the promotional tour 
that two representatives of the group, Salomon Mikhoels 
and Itzik Feffer, made in the U.S. in June and July 1943. 
They showed a piece of soap "the Nazis manufactured 



from Jewish flesh" and told more stories of the same kind. 
They were able to collect [from gullible donors] more than 
$2 million with their stories to be used for the Soviet- Jew- 
ish combat troops." [Gerard Israel, The Jews in Russia, p. 
178-180] ♦ 



The Stahlecker Report 



Solzhenitsyn here introduces the report by SS-Stan- 
dartenfuhrer (Colonel) Dr. Walther Stahlecker of 
October 15, 1941, in such as way as to conclude 
from it that, as Solzhenitsyn paraphrases: "The 
German plan consisted of creating the impression that it 
was not the Germans but the local population that began 
the extermination of the Jews." [Vol. II, The Jews in the So- 
viet Union, p. 386] 

However, here again Solzhenitsyn did not examine the 
report, but simply takes it uncritically from the protocols 
of the Allied military tribunal in Nuremberg of 1945/46 
and from Jewish authors, who for their part refer back to 
it and likewise promote it, unchecked for authenticity. 
The entire problem (and the methodology of the Allied 



"reeducation" policy with its mendacious claims, extorted 
"confessions" and falsified documents) was obviously an 
unknown area to him. In any case, he has not concerned 
himself with it and did not consult any critical literature 
while doing his scientific research. 

The reader is invited to consider the relevant investiga- 
tions in Historische Tatsachen (No. 16, pp. 31-34) of an 
alleged letter written by SS-Obergruppenfiihrer (General) 
Reinhard Heydrich on July 2, 1 94 1 , this in connection with 
the so-called "Dr. Stahlecker Report," in order to deter- 
mine for himself that the Allies, in their Protocol volume 
37, p. 670, introduced a "document" into which several 
pages were "smuggled" that corresponded to the version 
they desired the world to read of what happened. ♦ 




Soviet Brutality in Estonia: 

During the Soviet occupation of 1940-1941, 179 
people were sentenced to death in Estonia by Soviet 
courts and about 2,200 were killed in other ways. Most 
were killed by the security police in the prisons in Tartu 
and Kuressaare. To hide their crimes, the communists 
in Tartu hid 1 90 bodies in a well in a police station yard. 
(Some victims shown at left.) During the Soviet era, all 
discussion of communist killings was prohibited. But in 
1988, a newspaper in Saaremaa was able to publish 
an eyewitness account of the Tartu massacre: 

As far as I know, only three persons were shot to death 
and later found in the well. All the others were tortured 
to death. They numbered about a hundred. Nobody 
knows the exact number. The methods of torture were 
numerous. One man had his lips cut off, another his 
nose, tongue and ears. Many had their feet boiled. 
There were also victims from whose backs pieces of 
skin were cut out and who had their hands bound behind 
their backs with barbed wire. A few had their eyes cut 

out I was there when the bodies were removed from 

the cellars. During the day thousands of people came 
to look for their loved ones. Many found them. It was a 
horrible sight, one I will never forget. 



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Hitler's 'Further Plans 9 



As previously stressed, it is unfortunate that 
Solzhenitsyn based his entire chapter nine — 
concerning the war between the Soviet Union 
and Germany — exclusively on Jewish sources, 
an excerpt from minutes of the IMT and a few Soviet 
and/or Russian publications, which he put together or 
copied there, without having independently examined even 
a single case. Therefore it is pointless to deal with his rep- 
resentations in this chapter at all. 

Because what is one to think when wrong statements 
are served up to the reader as from a production line while 
simultaneously important basic facts are omitted? 

Why, for example, does he maintain that the Einsatz- 
gruppen were under the command of Reinhard Heydrich, 
the head of the Reichssicherheitshauptamt, the "Reich 
Central Security Office," and was entrusted with the "so- 
lution of the Jewish question," even 
though in reality they were subordi- 
nate to the army commanders? They 
decided on their actions only in con- 
ference with the latter, taking into con- 
sideration the immediate security 
needs of the German troops in each 
area in view of the ever dangerous 
partisan assaults that often had noth- 
ing to do with Jews, but instead with 
guerrilla bands that were often merely 
led by Jews and inserted by parachute behind the lines. 
[Vol. II, The Jews in the Soviet Union, p. 391] 

Or how can he not say a word about the Jewish decla- 
ration of war against Germany as early as March 24, 1933, 
a "holy war" introduced by a far-reaching economic boy- 
cott against Germany "to the point of [its] destruction," 
nor bring up the later declaration of war by the Jewish 
World Congress of August 25, 1939 — six days before the 
actual beginning of the war with Poland? 

Or why not mention — if Adolf Hitler is to be pro- 
claimed guilty, and he alone, for the outbreak of World 
War II generally and of the German-Soviet war in partic- 
ular — Josef Stalin's world-revolutionary objectives, his at- 
tack strategy, his years-long preparations and his gigantic 
military deployment along his western border-districts in 
June of 1 94 1 . And why not add at least a few words about 
his bestial methods, totally at odds with the rules of war 
from the very first day? 

Or, why completely hush up the top Bolshevik priority 



How can Solzhenitsyn not 

say a word about the Jewish 

declaration of war against 

Germany — afar-reaching 

economic boycott meant 

to completely destroy 

Germany ? 



of mass-murdering the elite of other nations as in the case 
of the German-Soviet war and, in addition, the Soviets' 
mass murder of over 15,000 Polish officers and others in 
the forest near Katyn, although such criminal goings-on 
were well known by even the Soviet population itself and 
its officer corps throughout the 20-year-old history of the 
Cheka, the GPU and the NKVD? 

After the deportation of the Germans, there occurred a 
second wave of deportations: from November 1943 to June 
1944, six groups of ethnics were deported, under the pretext 
that large numbers had collaborated with the German Oc- 
cupation Government, to Siberia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan 
and Kirghistan. These were the Chechens, Ingushis, Cri- 
mean Tartars, Karachians, Balkayans and Kalmucks. After 
this main wave of deportations, during which about 
900,000 humans were displaced, there followed from July 
to December 1944 similar operations 
with the goal of "cleansing" the Cri- 
mea and the Caucasus of other 
"doubtful" nationalities." [The Black 
Book of Communism] 

Such a concept was totally foreign 
to the Germans. However, Stalin had 
planned this for all the German offi- 
cers and police, as Adolf Hitler was 
well aware before the Russian cam- 
paign began, which impelled him to 
issue his Kommissarbefehl ("Commissar Order"), which, 
in view of the above facts, required the political commis- 
sars of the Red Army — mostly Jewish — to be shot out of 
hand as war criminals. 

Solzhenitsyn must have been aware of this and of So- 
viet military practices that started on the first day of the 
war in June 1941 — "spontaneously and along the whole 
line of the front" — as well as further extermination orders 
issued by Moscow on July 3, 1941, stating that not only 
captured German officers, but all captured German sol- 
diers who fell in into their hands were to be killed either 
immediately or after a short interrogation. [Stalin s War of 
Extermination, footnotes to p. 235 and to p. 303] Although 
Germany was a signatory to the Geneva Protocols, which 
provided for humane treatment of captured soldiers, the 
USSR was not. 

Why was Solzhenitsyn silent about this and likewise 
about Katyn, although precisely this latter case, because 
of its monstrous malevolence, its order of magnitude, the 



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international attention it garnered, and its NKVD execu- 
tion personnel were integral to his topic? In addition to 
Stalin, Voroshilov, Mikoyan, Kalinin, Kaganovich and oth- 
ers had signed the minutes of Politburo meeting No. 13 of 
March 5, 1940, containing the order to shoot all 15,000 
surrendered Polish officers as well as a further 1 1 ,000 
prominent Polish civilians. [Stalin s War of Extermination, 
p. 178] 

In "peacetime" with Poland, in February 1940, Stalin 
handed down his little slip of paper: "Liquidate!" 

Many of the accomplices have remained anonymous, 
but quite a few have been identified: Beria as head of the 
NKVD; W.N. Merkulov as a general and a people's com- 
missar for internal security; the NKVD generals Reich- 
mann, Zhukov, Saburin, P.K. Soprunenko, and P.K. 
Seliony; "comrade" Buryanov, who was assigned by the 
Moscow NKVD main office to supervise the executions; 
and Tartakov, the administrative leader of the NKVD in 
Minsk. 

These members of the NKVD command in Minsk 
were also implicated: Levi Rybak; Haim Feinberg; Abra- 
ham Bomsovich; Boris Kutsov; Ivan Siekanov; Paul 
Borodinsky; and Ossip Lisak, among others. Furthermore 
the officers Joshua Sorokin (a major), Alexander Suslov 
and Simeon Tkhonov (both second lieutenants in 1940), 
who later, in Israel, confessed their complicity. [Die Katyn- 
Liige, p. 53.] 

Then there are Stalin's "purges" of his officer corps be- 
tween May 1937 and 1941, in which over 35,000 of high 
rank and even the highest ranks (generals and admirals) 
were victims of arrest, dismissal or liquidation [The Black 
Book of Communism, p. 221], his other million-fold polit- 
ical mass murders, and his demand, issued at the Tehran 
conference in November 1943 with Franklin D. Roosevelt 
and Winston Churchill, that 50,000 German officers be 
shot, confirmed that this mentality and these intentions 
were directed toward Germany as well. This, too, Solzhen- 
itsyn does not mention. 

And we find ignored the thousand- fold prison murders 
committed by the NKVD as it withdrew eastward in 
June/July, 1941; the Soviet instructions in 1941 to imme- 
diately shoot all German prisoners of war; and the bestial 
communist conduct of partisan warfare in total violation of 
the rules of war. All this is totally concealed and replaced 
in his history of the German-Soviet war, with unproven 
statements about "systematic destruction of Jews by Ger- 
man troops." 

Solzhenitsyn wheeled out the term "German gas vans" 
without, however, presenting the slightest proof of their 




Solzhenitsyn Dead at 89 

The late, great Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, a passionately 
committed anti-communist writer and a voice for freedom, 
was a vital source of spiritual nourishment to a huge circle 
of readers. Born Dec. 11, 1918, he died on Aug. 3, 2008, 
at the age of 89. Solzhenitsyn felt it was his duty to record 
Russia's shocking gulag experiences for mankind to pon- 
der. He was well aware that such could well be America's 
own experiences, eventually, should we fail to find leaders 
of the same moral caliber as our Founding Fathers. De- 
spite a Soviet ban imposed on all his works after the pub- 
lication of his 1 962 A Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich, he 
was widely read in Russia and was also the only Russian 
writer to hit the bestseller lists in the Western world. In his 
acceptance of the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1970, Sol- 
zhenitsyn quoted a Russian proverb that accurately sum- 
marizes his creed: "One word of truth shall outweigh the 
whole world." After being expelled from Russia, where he 
had survived nearly 10 years in the gulag archipelago, he 
migrated to America to shut himself away behind barbwire- 
topped walls in a Vermont mountain town to maintain his 
working regimen. If he despised the heavy-handed Soviet 
communist rule, he also came to loathe the West's "smug 
hedonism" almost equally. This view did not endear him 
to America's controlled media, which lost no time in por- 
traying him as bigoted and anti-social. 



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existence. This unproven statement makes it abundantly 
clear just how tainted he is by Germanophobia. 
In the Black Book of Communism we read: 

Between July and December 1941, 210 penal colonies, 
135 prisons and 27 camps were shifted eastward, that is, 
approximately 750,000 prisoners altogether. . . . Most pris- 
oners were evacuated on foot, over distances of often more 
than 1,000 kilometers [600 miles]. . . . 

When no time remained to evacuate the camps, which 
occurred frequently in the first weeks of the war, the pris- 
oners were summarily lined up against a wall and shot. 
This happened particularly in the western Ukraine , where 
the NKVD massacred 10,000 prisoners in Lvov at the end 
of June of 1941, 1,200 prisoners in the prison of Lutsk, 
1,500 in Stanyslaviv, 500 in Dubno etc. In the regions of 
Lvov, Shitomir and Vinnitsa the Germans, upon their ar- 
rival, discovered dozens of mass graves. 

Or why does he pass over without any comment the 
collective deportations, together with expropriations and 
other brutalities, of 446,480 Volga Germans and another 
448,120 Russian Germans in August/September 1941, 
with an average of 2,000 humans packed into each freight 
train for a 4-to-8-week trip, hauled away into the southern 
Siberian regions of Omsk, Novosibirsk and Barnaul or into 
Krasnoyarsk in Siberia and Kazakhstan, with a death toll 
of 20% and more? 

To carry out these crimes against humanity immedi- 
ately after the outbreak of Germany's Russian campaign, 
Beria had imported the Deputy People's Commissar of the 



Interior, General Ivan Serov, into the "Autonomous Re- 
public of the Volga Germans," along with 14,000 NKVD 
troops, some in German uniform, to deceive and provoke 
the people there. 

He might also have mentioned that 450,000 out of the 
600,000 Jews forcibly kidnapped from Poland into the So- 
viet — not the German — sphere of influence, disappeared 
without a trace. 

The Black Book of Communism adds: "If one takes into 
account the further deportations of Germans carried out 
in 1942, one comes up with a total figure [for all ethnic 
groups] of 1,209,430 people deported within one year — 
from August 1941 until June, 1942." 

If Solzhenitsyn, without proof, states that Germans had 
farmers shot as partisans if they did not deliver their "quo- 
tas" and burned their farms down, 216 those were certainly 
Soviet methods, not German. 

Or why speak of a "mass liquidation of 33,771 Jews 
carried out in Babi Yar near Kiev in September 1941" as a 
well-known "fact," only to boost that figure to "100,000 
murdered by the Germans there" simply because "one may 
assume it," as Solzhenitsyn has stated before? 

If Solzhenitsyn had carefully researched all of this and 
placed it in the context of the conflict with Germany, he 
could have opened up a broad new field of historical inter- 
connections and, thereby, in accordance with his own 
words, he could have counteracted the "stupidification of 
the natives" in Central Europe. 

But he did not. 

And here he, too, remains a prisoner of Soviet/ Allied 
wartime propaganda. ♦ 



Harsh Trials in Postwar Years 



In the postwar period, Soviet Jews faced not only fig- 
uratively "harsh trials" but, starting from 1948, re- 
newed purges and the smashing of many of their 
positions of power. 
Stalin kept "liberating" the Jewish Anti-Fascist Com- 
mittee (JAFC) from its leading figures by shooting them. 
State attacks against those code-worded as "cosmopoli- 
tans" in the sciences, arts and the Soviet press led to anal- 
ogous fates. 

The JAFC, according to the Kremlin's view, had pur- 
sued Zionist goals too independently, and had lost sight of 
"the determined fight against International Reaction." 

Here Solzhenitsyn is quoted in depth from his massive 
tome The Jews in the Soviet Union: 



As things proceeded, the fate of the JAFC was gradu- 
ally also decided. At the end of 1948 its offices were 
sealed, its documents sent to KGB headquarters, the 
Lubyanka [Prison], and the newspaper and publishing 
house were closed. Subsequently the two key figures in 
the JAFC, I.S. Fefer and W.I. Suskin, were secretly ar- 
rested. They remained in the Lubyanka for over three 
years. Further arrests followed. Thirteen men from the 
JAFC were condemned to death in 1952 and then shot. 

The full annihilation of the JAFC was accompanied by 
equally secret subordinate trials; 1 10 people were arrested, 
10 of them shot, and 5 died during the investigation. In the 
autumn of 1952 Stalin proceeded more openly. A wave of 
arrests among the Jews began. 217 



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Even the veteran murder-inciter against the German 
civilian population (whose pro-rape slogan was, "Break 
the racial pride of the Germanic woman!"), Ilya Ehren- 
burg, was stripped of his power. 

The original galley proofs of his own Black Book, which 
dealt with the suffering and destruction of the Soviet Jews 
during the war between the USSR and Germany, produced 
by Ehrenburg and Vassily Grossman, were pulped." 218 

This fact is particularly interesting for historical re- 
searchers because Grossman — with his "scientific-appear- 
ing" official party propaganda works such as The Hell of 
Treblinka (Moscow, 1946), his pieces on Majdanek, Babi 
Yar, Auschwitz and similar "works" — had until then been 
largely touted as a "respectable researcher." 

From this pulping in the year 1948 of his effusions, one 
may conclude that the Soviet authorities themselves never 
believed a word of it. 

In December 1952 in Prague, Czechoslovakia, Rudolf 
Slansky, the first secretary of the Communist Party of 
Czechoslovakia, the CPCS, along with 10 collaborators 
from that city and from the Communist Party, were exe- 
cuted; eight of the 1 1 were Jews. 

Solzhenitsyn says: 

The trial had an openly anti- Jewish character, including 
the naming in court of Jews such as the [founder of Israel], 
David Ben Gurion and [FDR's Treasury Secretary 1933- 
45] Henry Morgenthau, as "world leaders," with the Amer- 
ican leaders Truman and Acheson decried as being under 
their control. . . . 

Summing up the sentiment de rigueur, Czech commu- 
nist leader Klement Gottwald said: "During the investiga- 
tion phase of the trial a new channel was uncovered, 
through which betrayal and espionage seeped into the 
Communist Party. This channel is Zionism." 219 

To mask Stalin's main anti- Jewish thrust, several Russ- 
ian-nationalist opposition figures also came under perse- 
cutory pressure. 

Thus, in the "Leningrad trials" of the early 1950s, 
about 200 party workers were arrested and later shot. 

After that, Stalin started, with vast diversionary maneu- 
vers, the displacement of Jews from Soviet culture. The 
famous "campaign against the cosmopolitans" focused ex- 
clusively on Jews. 

Even the "faithful old communist," history-falsifier, 
member of the Soviet Academy of Sciences and holder of 
the Lenin Prize Isaac Israelevich Minz, was stripped of 
all his honors. 220 



The majority of the victims in the 1951 series of dis- 
missals of directors and chief engineers in the airplane, 
metal and armaments industries were also Jews. 

In the [Red] army, the Soviet leadership did not limit 
itself to pursuing Jewish generals. Officers of lower rank 
involved in the development of weapons and military 
equipment were likewise removed. 

Then the purges spread throughout the defense indus- 
try, to aviation, the automobile industry (without, however, 
touching the atomic industry) and they went on into the 
primarily administrative posts. . . . 221 

Shortly before his death in 1953, Stalin had reputable 
Kremlin physicians arrested (he had already begun with 
his "Doctors' Plot" move in 1951), but then, country-wide 
as well, he commenced putting various Jewish doctors be- 
hind bars — and under the same motto as in 1937: "Certain 
physicians treat national leaders in a criminal fashion." 

The investigations were accompanied by grave abuse 
of the accused and by the wildest reproaches, developed 
ever more along the lines of "espionage-terroristic con- 
spiracies with contacts to foreign intelligence services" 
and plots involving "American mercenaries," "diversion- 
ists in white smocks," and "bourgeois nationalists," and 
the persecutions were directed primarily against Jews. 222 

After the death of the Soviet dictator on March 6, 1953, 
every one of these procedures was stopped, and the ac- 
cused doctors were all rehabilitated. 

Finally in his book, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn deplores 
the lack of repentance. The ideology and quasi-religious 
state cult called the shoah ("holocaust") cannot divert, he 
writes, from: 

"[T]heir own responsibility for their participation in the 
shootings by the Cheka, the barges sunk with the doomed 
into the White and Caspian seas, their own participation in 
the horrors of farm collectivization, the starvation in 
Ukraine, the active co-responsibility in all the disgraceful 
elements of Soviet rule, and a talented zeal in the deliber- 
ate dumbing-down of the "natives. 

All these activities show the exact opposite of repen- 
tance. But we must share responsibility for those events, 
no matter whether we see the victims as brothers or as 
strangers. Repentance, mutual regret for truly everything 
that happened, would be the cleanest and most purifying 
path. 223 ♦ 



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57 



ENDNOTES: 

1 Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago, 
Harper Perennial Modern Classics, New York, Volumes I & 
II (1973/1974). ["GULAG" was an acronym meaning, in 
Russian, "Chief Directorate of Corrective Labor Camps and 
Colonies." The camps were strewn across the vast USSR's 
territory like many islands in an island chain, hence the word 
"archipelago."] Vol. I, 232. 

2 Solzhenitsyn, Gulag Archipelago, Vol. 1, 35-6. 

3 Gulag Archipelago, Vol. 1, 37. 

4 Ibid., Vol. 1, 37-8. 

5 Ibid., Vol. 1, 38. 

6 Ibid., Vol. 1, 39. 

7 Ibid., Vol. II, 12-13. 
9 Ibid., Vol. II, 18. 

9 Ibid., Vol. II, 610-14. 

10 Ibid, Vol. II, 617. 

11 Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, DieJuden in der Sovietunion 
("The Jews in the Soviet Union"), Herbig Verlag, Munich 
2003, Russian edition 2002, 1 1 . 

12 Ibid, 23-4. 

13 Ibid., 271. 

14 Johannes Rogalla von Bieberstein, Judischer 
Bolshewismus—Mythos undRealitdt ["Jewish Bolshevism — 
Myth and Reality"], Dresden, 2002, 136. 

15 Ibid., 2002, 135-6. 

16 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 111. 

17 Ibid., 231. 
19 Ibid., 86. 

19 Gerd Koenen, Utopie der Sduberung—was war der 
Kommunismus? ["Utopia of Purges — What Was Commu- 
nism?"], Berlin, 1998, 106. 

20 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 215. 

21 Ibid., 211. 

22 Stuart Kahan, The Wolf of the Kremlin: The First Bi- 
ography of ELM. Kaganovich, the Soviet Union s Architect of 
Fear, New York, 1987,46. 

23 David Korn, Wer ist Wer im Judentum—Enzyklopddie 
der Jiidischen Prominenz ["Who's Who of Jewry — 
Encyclopedia of Prominent Jews"], Vol. 2, Munich 1999, FZ- 
Verlag, 371-2. 

24 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 222. 

25 Ibid., 223. 

26 G.A. Solomon, op. cit. 

27 M. Zarubezny, The Jews in the Kremlin (published in 
Russian)), alef Publishing, Tel Aviv, Feb. 1989, No. 263, 26. 

28 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 227. 

29 Ibid., 276. 

30 Judischer Bolshewismus — Mythos und Realitdt, 
Dresden, 2002, 137. 

31 Ibid., 226. 
32 Ibid.,31. 
33 Ibid, 39. 
34 Ibid.,4\. 

35 Ibid, 41. 

36 Ibid, 45. 
31 Ibid., 5\. 
3 * Ibid., 53. 
39 Ibid, 55. 
40 /^.,54. 

41 Utopie der Sauberung — was war der Kom- 
munismus?, 64 & 104. 

42 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 241. 

43 Ibid., 242. 

44 Ibid., 134. 

45 Ibid., 135. 

46 Ronald Hingley, Die Russische Geheimpolizei 1565- 



1970 ["The Russian Secret Police 1565-1970"], Bayreuth, 
1972, 169. 

47 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit., 135. 

48 Ibid, 137. 

49 Ibid, 136. 

50 Stephane Courtois, and others, The Black Book of 
Communism — Suppression, Crime and Terror, Harvard Uni- 
versity Press, 1999 (French is the original language), 1997, 
91-2. 

51 Black Book of Communism, op. cit., 93. 

52 Ibid, 118. 

53 Ibid, 53. 

54 Ibid, 102. 

55 Ibid, 117-8. 

56 Ibid, 107-8. 

57 Ibid, 112. 

58 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 136. 

59 Black Book of Communism, op. cit., 115. 

60 Ibid, 136. 

61 Ibid, 137-8. 

62 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 140. 

63 Ibid, 142. 

64 Ibid, 144. 

65 Ibid, 302. 
66 Ibid, 303. 

67 Joachim Hoffmann, Stalins Vernichtungskrieg 1941- 
1945 ["Stalin's War of Extermination 1941-1945"], Munich 
1995, 165. 

68 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit., 319. 

69 Black Book of Communism, op. cit., 194. 

70 Ibid, 181. 

71 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit., 195. 

72 Ibid, 319-20. 

73 Ibid, 304. 

74 Ibid., 305. 

75 Ibid. 

76 Michael Voslensky, Das Geheime wird offenbar 
["The Secret Comes Out"], Munich, 1995, 57. 

11 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit., 309. 

78 Ibid, 307. 

79 Black Book of Communism, op. cit., 117-21. 

80 Ibid, 115. 

81 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 136. 

82 Wolf of the Kremlin, op. cit, 99. 

83 Black Book of Communism, op. cit., 320. 
u Ibid.,\51. 

* 5 Ibid.,\69. 

86 Ibid, 174, 182. 

87 Ibid, 185. 

88 Ibid, 213. 

89 Michael Voslensky, Das Geheime wird offenbar 
["The Secret Comes Out"], Munich 1995, 28 and 52. 

90 Das Geheime wird offenbar, op. cit., 52. 

91 Black Book of Communism, op. cit, 221. 

92 Utopie der Sduberung—was war der Kommunis- 
mus?, 235. 

93 Ibid., 267-8 and Black Book of Communism, op. cit, 
211. 

94 Black Book of Communism, op. cit., 213 and Utopie 
der Sauberung, op. cit, 221. 

95 Utopie der Sauberung, op. cit., 263. 

96 Black Book of Communism, op. cit., 229-230. 

97 Ibid. 
9 *Ibid. 

99 Utopie der Sauberung, op. cit., 221. 

100 Black Book of Communism, op. cit, 230. 

101 Ronald Hingley, Die Russische Geheimpolizei 1565- 



1970 ["The Russian Secret Police 1565-1970"], Bayreuth, 
1972,237. 

102 Joachim Hoffmann, Stalins Vernichtungskrieg 1941- 
1945 ["Stalin's War of Extermination 1941-1945"], Munich 
1995,151. 

103 Stalins Vernichtungskrieg 1941-1945, op. cit., 152. 

104 Michael Heller and Alexander Nekrich, Geschichte 
der Sowjetunion 11/1940-1980 ["History of the Soviet Union 
11/1940-1980"] (from the Russian), Konigstein, Germany 
1982,3. 

105 Geschichte der Sowjetunion 11/1940-1980, 1. 

106 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 145. 

107 Ibid, 159. 

108 Ibid, 151. 

109 Ibid. 

110 Ibid, 155. 

111 Ibid., 152. 

112 Ibid., 158. 

113 Allgemeine Juedische Wochenzeitung ["General 
Jewish Weekly Newspaper"], Duesseldorf, May 24. 1990. 

114 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 168. 

115 Geschichte der Sowjetunion 11/1940-1980. op. cit., 
144. 

116 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 208. 

117 Ibid, 208-9. 
m Ibid., 209-10. 

119 Ibid., 210-11 and 24. 

120 Ibid., 212. 

121 Ibid., 118. 

122 Ibid., 120. 

123 Ibid, 130. 

124 Ibid., 131. 

125 Ibid., 131. 

126 Ibid., 111. 

121 Ibid., 301 and 25. 

128 Ibid., 370. 

129 Ibid, 370 and 26. 

130 G. Aronson, "The Book of Russian Jewry 1917- 
1967" (in Russian), Vol. 2, New York, 1968, 143. 

131 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 371. 

132 Ibid. 

133 Ibid., 378 and 29. 

134 Ibid, 379. 

135 Ibid., 371-2 and 30. 

136 G.V Kostyrchenko, Stalin 's Secret Policies: Power 
and Anti-Semitism, Moscow 2001, (in Russian), 245. 

131 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 372. 

138 Stalins Vernichtungskrieg 1941-1945, op. cit, 166. 

139 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 60. 
m Ibid, 63. 

141 Ibid., 67. 

142 Ibid, 66-68. 

143 Ibid., 68. 

144 Ibid., 75 

145 Ibid, 11 

146 Ibid., 80. 
147 Ibid., 11. 

148 Ibid, 82. 

149 Ibid., 83-4. 

150 TZwV/., 113. 

151 Ibid, 114. 

152 #/</., 117. 

153 "Cheka" is a portmanteau in the Russian language 
for "All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for the Fight 
Against Counter-Revolution and Sabotage." It was founded 
in December 1917, then was reformed in February 1922 as 
the GPU ("National Political Administration"). This, in turn, 



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The Lubyanka Prison in Moscow: From the beginning of Cheka/GPU rule in 1918 on, in its cellars 
prisoners were systematically shot in the back of the head. The Cheka and GPU were judge-jury-and- 
executioner with their own absolute powers. At the peak of the arrests in the mid-1 930s, paranoia 
reigned in the cities. Intellectuals slept with suitcases of clothes and supplies under their beds. Arrests 
usually came at night, when there would be few witnesses. Private conversations were scrutinized as 
much as published work for any possible incriminating comment. In the later years, jokes that satirized 
the Soviet state were rated according to how many years one could get for repeating them. Oppor- 
tunists took advantage of this frenzy to rid themselves of opponents or of those standing in their way. 
Above: Lubyanka Prison as it appeared in 2003. Right: Lubyanka Prison in the 1920s. 












was renamed in December 1922, after the establishment of 


172 Ibid, 296. 


197 Ibid, 246. 


the USSR, as the OGPU ("Combined National Political Ad- 


173 Das Ende der Liigen, op. cit. 


198 Ibid, 257-8. 


ministration"). In July 1934 it was replaced by the NKVD 


114 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit., 292. 


199 Ibid, 259. 


("People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs" including the 


175 Ibid, 294. 


200 Ibid, 262. 


"Main Office for Public Security"), which in 1946 was 


176 Ibid, 296 and 39. 


201 Ibid. 


brought into the NKGB ("People's ["Narodny"] Commis- 


177 Ibid, 295. 


202 Ibid, 269-70. 


sariat for Public Security"). In pos 


t-Soviet Russia it is called 


178 Jiidischer Bolschewismus, op. cit, 147-8 and 256. 


203 Ibid, 270. 


the FSB. Vladimir Putin was its director before becoming 


179 Ibid, 156. 


204 Ibid, 275. 


prime minister, then president. 




180 Ibid, 160. 


205 Ibid, 276. 


154 Jiidischer Bolschewismus, 


op. cit, 140. 


181 Ibid., 6. 


206 Black Book of Communism, op. cit, 191. 


155 Jiidischer Bolschewismus, 


op. cit., 141, 199. 


182 Juden in der Sovietunion, 147. 


207 Ibid, 293. 


156 Juden in der Sovietunion, 


op. cit., 97. 


183 Jiidischer Bolschewismus, op. cit, 158. 


208 Ibid, 294. 


157 Ibid., 99. 




184 Ibid, 66. 


209 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit., 3 1 1, 43. 


158 Ibid., 101. 




185 Mikhail Heller/Alexander Nekrich, Geschichte der 


210 Ibid., 3\2f. 


159 Ibid., 102. 




Sowjetunion ("History of the Soviet Union) Vol. 1/1914-1939 


211 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit, 312. 


160 Ibid., 100. 




"(transl. from Russian), Konigstein, Germany, 1981, 117-8. 


212 Ibid. 


161 Ibid., 85. 




186 Geschichte der Sowjetunion, op. cit., 125. 


213 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit., 133. 


162 Ibid. 




187 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit., 148. 


214 Black Book of Communism, op. cit, 133-4. 


163 Ibid, 90-1. 




188 Ibid, 147. 


215 Juden in der Sovietunion, op. cit., 324. 


164 Ibid, 92. 




189 Ibid, 88. 


216 Ibid, 397. 


165 Ibid., 105. 




190 Ibid, 181. 


217 Ibid, 419. 


166 Ibid, 109,37. 




191 Ibid, 189. 


218 Ibid, 411. 


167 Ibid., 110. 




192 Ibid, 205. 


219 7Z«V/., 419. 


168 Ibid, 112. 




193 Ibid, 190. 


220 Ibid, 415. 


169 Ibid, 165. 




194 Ibid, 195. 


221 TZwV/., 416. 


170 Ibid., 123-4. 




195 Ibid, 254-5. 


222 TZwV/., 420-21. 


171 Juden in der Sovietunion, 


op. cit., 283. 


196 Ibid., 253. 


223 Ibid, 483. 



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59 



LETTE 



TO THE EDIT 



Why Judas Had to Kiss Jesus 

In the July/August 2006 issue of TBR, Har- 
rell Rhome, in his article "TBR Looks at the 
Judas Gospels" on how the chief priests and 
captains of the temple came to apprehend Jesus 
in the Garden of Olives, he makes the query: 

"They saw him every day or so; hence they 
must have known who He was and what He 
looked like. It seems hard to conclude that they 
actually needed Judas to identify Him, though 
it makes for an interesting literary motif." 

The reason was more than a literary motif. 
The answer can be found in the writings of Ja- 
cobus de Voragine, in his The Golden Legend: 
Readings on the Saints, written in 1260. In his 
entry on St. James, he writes: 

"The apostle James is called James of 
Alpheus, meaning son of Alpheus, the brother 
of the Lord, James the Less, and James the Just. 
He is called the brother of the Lord because he 
is said to have borne a strong resemblance to 
Jesus, so that very often they were mistaken 
one for the other. Hence, when the Jews set out 
to capture Christ, they had to avoid taking 
James, because he looked like Christ, so they 
engaged Judas, who could distinguish the Lord 
from James, to point Christ out with a kiss." 

Ignatius confirms this likeness in his letter 
to John the Evangelist when he says: "If I have 
your permission, I want to come up to Jerusa- 
lem to see the venerable James, surnamed the 
Just, who they say resembled Jesus Christ so 
closely in his features ... I can see Jesus Christ 



so far as bodily features are concerned." 

Again, James is called the brother of the 
Lord since Christ and James being descended 
from two sisters were thought of as being de- 
scended from two brothers, Joseph and Cleo- 
phas. The two sisters were Mary, the mother of 
Jesus, and her much older sister, by 20 years, 
Mary Heli. Mary Heli married Cleophas, the 
brother of St. Joseph. Their daughter, called 
Mary Cleophas, married Alpheus. The children 
of this couple were James the Less, Simon, 
Jude Thaddeus, and Simon. When Alpheus 
married May Cleophas he was a widower with 
a son, Levi, who later became St. Matthew. The 
Jews of the era referred to brothers as those 
who were related on both sides. 

Mrs. Jean Meyer 
Pennsylvania 

Abrahamic Faiths 

Was there really a historical man identifi- 
able as the character in the Bible that we call 
Jesus of Nazareth or Jesus Christ? 

Even the oldest writings in the New Testa- 
ment date back only to about A.D. 70. 

I am one who cannot follow Christianity, Ju- 
daism, nor Islam, for all three are Semitic reli- 
gions and while these religions were forming, 
people existed throughout the whole world. 
Myself, I am not Semitic. I am a German 
American. 

Timothy Storz 
Texas 



Made-Up History 

People are capable of making up history to 
suit their own needs. The New York Times re- 
ported that Ms. Tania Head, a prominent 9-1 1 
"survivor," made a number of unverifiable 
claims concerning her experience during the at- 
tack on the World Trade Center. What motivated 
her to fabricate her experience is unknown. 
What is clear is that she lied, just as those who 
created false history with respect to the Japan- 
ese capture of Nanking in 1937. 

There are many Chinese "survivors" (and 
"remorseful Japanese former soldiers") who 
supposedly witnessed Japanese murders and 
rapes following the capture of Nanking. How- 
ever, the facts, as reported by foreigners work- 
ing in the Nanking Safety Zone, do not square 
with the allegations. Even the Nazi industrialist 
John Rabe, who worked in the zone, did not 
witness any of the alleged crimes occurring in 
Nanking. As a true capitalist, Rabe was mostly 
intent on maintaining business with the Chi- 
nese and saw Japanese competition as a threat 
to profits. Despite the obvious propaganda 
value, at the time, even the Chinese commu- 
nists made no mention of mass atrocities oc- 
curring within the (at the time) capital city. 

Remembrance of past traumatic experiences 
tends to be distorted, which is human nature. 
However, there is no benefit in perpetuating his- 
tory based on distorted memories or lies. 

D.Lee 
Florida 



Bringing History Into Accord With the Facts in Regard to Sept. 11, 2001 



If the airplanes hit two of the World 
trade Center towers and collapsed them, an in- 
teresting question is, for what reason did a 
third building collapse in the same way? 

Most of our nation's architects have ques- 
tioned how the three buildings of the World 
Trade Center came down without tipping 
over. The U.S. National Institute of Standards 
and Technology admits to not having any an- 
swers on what caused the "global collapse" of 
the three towers, or "how the buildings could 
have collapsed tons of steel that was designed 
to resist that load." This government organi- 
zation is obviously not going to release any 
information that those who control the gov- 



ernment do not want released. 

There is much evidence that explosives 
were used to collapse all three buildings. Ex- 
plosions were heard by 1 18 first responders; 
explosive flashes were seen by reporters; there 
was a 1,400-foot diameter field of equally dis- 
tributed debris. Blast waves blew out windows 
in buildings 400 feet away. There was lateral 
ejection of thousands of 20- to 50-ton steel 
beams up to 500 feet away. Human bone frag- 
ments were found on top of buildings nearby. 

The incendiary explosive thermate was 
found at the building sites, which explains 
tons of molten metal found under all three 
buildings. Pyroclastic dust clouds were evi- 



dence of explosives being used. Windows 
being blown out of nearby buildings is addi- 
tional evidence explosives were used to de- 
stroy the buildings. Along with seismometer 
evidence, everything points to explosives 
being used to destroy the towers. 

Evidence demands a verdict. Lives of the 
2,800+ people killed in the three buildings, 
the lives of thousands of Americans killed in 
Iraq and Afghanistan, and the other costs to 
Americans, should be compensated for by the 
real criminals. Concerned Americans need to 
act on this matter; justice must be done. 

LeRoyS. Wilson 
New York 



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Guidelines for Russia 

I read in the last issue of TBR [July/ August 2008] about the 
German army's guidelines for personal conduct posted in each 
soldier's pay book. I thought your readers might be interested to 
see the "German Army's Guidelines for Conduct of the Troops in 
Russia" from May 1941: 

"Bolshevism is the mortal enemy of the National Socialist Ger- 
man people. Its corrupt worldview and its supporters are the cause 
of Germany's struggle. This struggle requires ruthless and energetic 
measures against Bolshevik agitators, guerrillas, saboteurs and Jews 
as well as the complete eradication of all active and passive resist- 
ance. 

"Toward all members of the Red Army — including prisoners — 
the most extreme reserve and the keenest vigilance must be main- 
tained, because treacherous fighting tactics must be anticipated. The 
Asiatic soldiers of the Red Army are especially inscrutable, unpre- 
dictable, underhanded and without feeling. 

"Upon capturing enemy troop units, officers and sergeants are to 
be immediately separated from the lower enlisted. 

"The German soldier in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
(USSR) is not facing a homogeneous population. The USSR is a 
construct of states uniting a multitude of Slavic, Caucasian and Asi- 
atic peoples who are held together by force by the Bolshevik power- 
holders. Jewry is strongly represented in the USSR. 

"A large part of the population, especially the rural population 
impoverished by Bolshevism, is inwardly opposed to it. In the non- 
Bolsheviks, their nationalism is closely tied to their religious feel- 
ings. Their joy and gratitude for liberation from Bolshevism will 
frequently find expression in religious ways. Masses to thank God 
and processions must not be prevented or disturbed. 

"In conversations with the population and in dealings with local 
women the greatest caution must be exercised. The German lan- 
guage is very often understood by locals without them being able to 
speak it. The enemy's intelligence service will be very busy in [our] 
occupied areas to gain information about important military forces, 
equipment and the measures we are taking. Every act of careless- 
ness, self-important bragging and excessive trust in the locals can 
therefore have the gravest consequences. 

"Objects of economic value of all kinds and captured military 
items, especially food for humans, feed for animals, fuel and cloth- 
ing are to be preserved and secured. All squandering and wasting of 
such items hurts our troops. Plundering will be punished under mil- 
itary law with the most severe penalties. 

"Be cautious in consuming captured food! Water may be drunk 
only after boiling (due to typhus and cholera). Every contact with the 
population exposes our soldiers to health risks. Protecting your 
health is a soldier's duty. 

"Reich Credit Office banknotes and coins, regular German pen- 
nies (one- and two-cent pieces), Reich pennies in the amounts of 1 , 
2, 5 and 10 cents and retirement pennies must be accepted by the 
locals. No other German money may be spent." 

Kind of puts a damper on the old Soviet myth the Germans were 
out to exterminate all Slavs and Jews. They were admittedly, how- 
ever, virulently anti-communist — and for good reasons. 

John Nugent, Pennsylvania 




Forgive Us Father if We Have Sinned: 

Tiffany Ires Catholic Priest 

Dear TBR Editor: 

Whatever may be the true facts in regard to the controverted 
Luther issues that John Tiffany tries to clarify, in the July/ August 
TBR, the outstanding fact, which no one should really be unable to 
see, is that Luther presumed to take things into his own hands and 
set up his own kind of man-made church, with his own brand of sup- 
posedly Christian religion. In reality, what Luther created can only 
be called, in all honesty, the Lutheran religion, and certainly not the 
genuine Christian religion as given to us by Christ the Lord. 

The big truth is that God and God alone can establish the true re- 
ligion whereby he tells man who is to exercise supreme authority in 
his church and what man is to believe as truths of the faith, and how 
man is to live in accordance with God's will and how man is to wor- 
ship God. It was Jesus Christ, true god and true man, who estab- 
lished that divine religion some 1,500 years before Luther showed 
up on the face of this Earth and it was rightly named after him the 
Christian religion. It is the only religion that can honestly be called 
Christian. 

Luther protested against the one true Christian religion with the 
made-up excuse that it supposedly was no longer the religion which 
Our Lord Jesus Christ had established, thereby implying that Jesus 
Christ failed to establish a permanent and unchanged religion and 
church. So, Luther presumptuously took it upon himself to reform 
Our Lord's religion and church with his own kind of religion and 
organization. 

And so was born what came to be called the Protestant Reforma- 
tion. Luther's religion was a protest religion. The word "Protestant" 
should be pronounced with the accent on "test," that is, "Profes/ant," 
so as to alert everyone as to the real meaning of that word. Then, 
too, the word "Reformation" really condemns Luther the reformer 
before God, because no man can ever presume to reform or change 
what God has established. Luther's protest reform religion cannot 
possibly have any legitimate standing before God, and the same must 
be said also of all the other creations of various reformers. 

Fr. Martin Stepanich, O.EM., S.T.D. 

Illinois 



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61 



HISTORY YOU MAY HAVE MISSED 



Ancient Man Preferred Tender Vittles 

Paranthropus boisei is known as Nut- 
cracker Man because of his huge teeth and 
powerful jaw muscles. Until recently, scientists 
assumed that Nutcracker Man's diet must have 
consisted mostly of hard nuts and other tough 
foods that would put his powerful oral appara- 
tus to good use. But anthropologist Peter 
Ungar of the University of Arkansas in Fayet- 
teville found that patterns of microscopic wear 
on Nutcracker Man's molars showed virtually 
no evidence of deep pits or parallel incisions, 
hallmarks of consumption of hard foods. It ap- 
pears Nutcracker Man actually preferred soft 
fruits and other dainty items rather than nuts 
and seeds, though his dentition no doubt 
served as a backup capability so that he could 
fall back on hard foods when nothing nicer was 
available. This derails the traditional theory 
that Nutcracker Man became extinct because 
he was unable to get the hard foods to which he 
was accustomed. 

India Pioneered Proto-Calculus 

Two British researchers challenged the con- 
ventional history of mathematics recently 
when they reported having evidence that the 
infinite series, one of the central concepts of 
calculus, was actually developed by Indian 
mathematicians in the 14th century. They also 
believe they can show how this advancement 
may have been passed along to Isaac Newton 
and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, who are tradi- 
tionally credited with independently develop- 
ing the concept some 250 years later. Says 
historian of mathematics George Gheverghese 
Joseph of the University of Manchester, who 
conducted the research with Dennis Almeida 
of the University of Exeter, "The notation is 
quite different, but it's very easy to recognize 
the series as we understand it today." 

South Americans Were Early Farmers 

Tom Dillehay, an anthropological archeolo- 
gist at Vanderbilt University, has revealed that 
squash seeds he found in the ruins of what seem 
to have been ancient storage bins on the lower 
western slopes of the Andes in northern Peru 
are almost 10,000 years old. Previously most 
archeologists and anthropologists thought that 
the Old World had about a 5,000-year jumpstart 
on the New World in regard to agriculture, an 
essential basis for the rise of civilization. 




New Details Emerge About 
Last Days of the Minoans 

According to Discover magazine, around 
1500 B.C., the Minoan world went into a tail- 
spin, and no one knows why. In 1939, leading 
Greek archeologist Spyridon Marinatos pinned 
the blame on a gigantic volcanic eruption on the 
island of Thera, about 70 miles north of Crete, 
that occurred about 1600 B.C. On further exam- 
ination, though, it turned out that many Minoan 
settlements on Crete continued to exist for at 
least a generation or two after the Thera cata- 
clysm. Archeologists concluded the Minoans 
had not only survived but also thrived after the 
eruption, expanding their culture until they were 
hit by some other disaster. Joseph Alexander 
MacGillivray, a Montreal-born archeologist at 
the British School at Athens, began to suspect 
that a tsunami was the culprit. Until the early 
1990s, Earth scientists did not even recognize 
that tsunamis do more than just destroy the 
coast — they leave distinctive deposits behind as 
well. Scientists found a "chaotic deposit" of ma- 
terial associated with the disaster, and deter- 
mined that it contained marine organisms. 
Could a later "tidal wave" have wiped out this 
entire civilization? 

Above, some researchers now believe times were 
so tough after the first tsunamis devastated the is- 
land of Crete, the Minoans resorted to cannibalizing 
their own young. Was the legend of the Minotaur— 
who ate the children of Greek parents— a cultural 
remembrance of this time? Statue above depicts 
Theseus killing the Minotaur. It was created by 
French artist Etienne-Jules Ramey and can be 
found in the Tuileries Gardens in Paris. 



Earth Running Out of Soil 

Farming practices are causing soil to erode 
more quickly than new soil can be produced, 
and could have caused a number of civilizations 
in the past to collapse, says David R. Mont- 
gomery of the University of Washington. On 
average, he found, plowed land erodes at 
slightly more than 1 millimeter per year, while 
new soil builds up at about 0.2 millimeter per 
year. Montgomery calculates that cultivated soil 
becomes exhausted, depending on original 
thickness, within 500 to several thousand 
years — a number correlating with the life spans 
of civilizations around the world. 

Death by Engineering 

The temples of Angkor in Cambodia are 
not just architectural marvels. In a paper in 
The Proceedings of the National Academy of 
Sciences, archeologists from Australia, Cam- 
bodia and France reported using a combina- 
tion of ground surveys and aerial scans to 
create a broader, more comprehensive map of 
the ancient Cambodian ruin, confirming that it 
was once the center of a vast city with an elab- 
orate water network. Between A.D. 800 and 
1500, Angkor's complex canals, roads, irri- 
gated fields and dense settlements sprawled 
across more than 1,160 square miles, almost 
the size of Rhode Island — and far beyond the 
area protected as a world heritage site. The 
city was the preindustrial world's largest urban 
complex. Radar images showed that Angkor 
was unsustainable. Stripping off the area's for- 
est cover exposed the complex irrigation sys- 
tems to erosion, evaporation and flooding. You 
could say that Angkor "engineered itself out 
of existence." 

German-American Pride 

According to The Milwaukee Journal Sen- 
tinel, organizers have raised more than $3.5 
million to build a German- American cultural 
center in Menomonee Falls, Wisconsin. They 
hope to convert the Schwabenhof Restaurant 
and banquet hall into the nation's largest Ger- 
man-American heritage site. The center will 
have, among other things, a museum featuring 
rotating exhibits on German history and con- 
temporary Germany, an archive of German- 
American history in Wisconsin and a gene- 
alogy library, said Samuel Scheibler, executive 
director of the German-American Cultural 



62 



SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 2008 



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Foundation of Wisconsin. Also planned is a 
monument to the 8 million Germans who were 
expelled from Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Pol- 
and, Romania and Yugoslavia as a result of the 
Potsdam agreement following World War II. Of 
those civilians, 2 million died. 

Tiny Pterodactyl 

In northeastern China researchers have dis- 
covered a flying reptile the size of a sparrow. Ne- 
micolopterus crypticus, a tiny, toothless critter, 
lived 120 million years ago, according to 
Aleaner WA. Kellner, a vertebrate paleontolo- 
gist at the National Museum of the Federal Uni- 
versity of Rio de Janiero. It had a wingspan of 
25 centimeters, or 10 inches. It is not known if 
the specimen was full grown, but even if the 
adult was twice as big, it would still be the 
smallest pterodactyl known. 

Other Pterodactyl News . . . 

Not all pterosaurs spent their time soaring in 
the skies, says Mark Witton, vertebrate paleon- 
tologist from the University of Portsmouth, Eng- 
land, after studying fossils of large pterosaurs 
called azhdarchids. The study indicates that the 
azhdarchids were quite capable on the ground. 
Most of their fossils are found in locales far 
from the coastline. Even giants such as Quetzal- 
coatlus northropi, whose wings spanned 3 1 feet, 
were not built for fish catching and spent much 
of their time walking on land. 

Aquatic Elephants 

The aquatic ape theory, created by the Mile- 
sian philosopher Anaximander around 546 B.C. 
and popularized by Elaine Morgan in 1997, as- 
serts that wading, swimming and diving for food 
exerted a strong evolutionary effect on the an- 
cestors of the genus Homo and is in part respon- 



Forged Documents Found in British National Archives 

British historians called recently for a 

public report on the inquiry into 29 forged doc- 
uments found at the British National Archives 
that falsely accuse Winston Churchill's govern- 
ment of having a secret, cordial relationship with 
Nazi SS chief Heinrich Himmler during World 
War II. Eight leading historians signed an open 
letter urging police to take action against the sus- 
pect who faked the documents, which also allege 
that Churchill ordered the assassination of 
Himmler to keep the discussions secret. "That's . . . totally untrue," said historian Andrew 
Roberts. Mainstream historians reject the assertion about Churchill because there is no ev- 
idence to support it. (Himmler was never assassinated; he committed suicide by poisoning 
himself with cyanide after capture by the British in 1945.) Historians hoped swift action by 
authorities would deter anyone else from tainting the archives with more forgeries. Roberts 
said: "If the guy gets away with it, it will be a green light to manufacture evidence. It's been 
done in a criminal way, and yet the police don't seem very interested." Prosecutors, who 
did not release the name of the suspect, said they would not press charges because the person 
was in poor health. But what kind of sicko forges historical documents anyway? 




HIMMLER 



CHURCHILL 



sible for the split between the common ancestors 
of humans and other great apes. Morgan also 
suggested that the proboscidians might have 
evolved in a parallel manner. Recently paleon- 
tologist Alexander Liu, at the University of Ox- 
ford in England, studied the ratio of oxygen- 16 
and 0-18 in the teeth of fossils of Moeritherium, 
a proto-elephant. The study confirms that appar- 
ently Moeritherium did spend much of its time 
in freshwater habitats. 

Return From Extinction — Sorta 

A bit of the DNA from the extinct Tasmanian 
tiger is today alive and well in the cells of some 
mice. The new study is the first to show activity 
of an "extinct" piece of DNA in a living animal, 
although scientists have managed to produce 



proteins form mammoth and Neanderthal 
human genes in cells. To prove extinct DNA can 
still work, scientists from the University of Mel- 
bourne in Australia and the University of Texas 
chose a regulatory element, called an enhancer, 
which regulates the COL2A1 gene. If they used 
marsupial mice such as the Antechinus species, 
the results would be even more interesting. 

Oldest Animal Yet 

According to Science News, a black coral 
('eekaha kuu moana, the official "state gem" 
of Hawaii) has set a new record for longevity 
among coral kind. The creature, which looks 
like a black tree with yellow twigs, was deter- 
mined to be some 4,200 years of age. The scien- 
tific name is Leiopathes glaberrima. 




Researcher Questions Timeline of Famed Crystal Skull 



Especially what with the latest Indiana Jones 
movie, there has been much hoopla about crystal 
skulls (stone carvings in the shape of a human 
skull, which vary in size from a few inches to life-size). 
Some stone skulls might be genuine artifacts from 
Mesoamerican cultures such as the Aztecs, who defi- 
nitely did have skull masks or death heads. But none of 
the skulls made of pure quartz crystal was ever found in 
situ by qualified archeologists. Despite the fact that New 
Age replicas are easily made and are available from a va- 
riety of sources, advocates of the paranormal nature of 
crystal skulls claim that no one knows how the skulls 



were made and that they are impossible to duplicate. The 
most famous crystal skull is the Mitchell-Hedges "skull 
of doom," allegedly discovered by 17-year-old Anna 
Mitchell-Hedges in the 1920s while accompanying her 
adoptive father, Frederick A. ("Mike"), on an excavation 
of the Mayan city of Lubaantun in Belize, where he be- 
lieved he would find the ruins of Atlantis. According to 
The Skeptic s Dictionary, evidence collected by Joe Nick- 
ell proves that Mr. Mitchell-Hedges bought the skull at a 
Sotheby's sale in 1943. In addition, Mitchell-Hedges' ex- 
planation that someone stole the artifact from him and it 
was then bought back from Sotheby's is discredited. 



TBR 



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THE BARNES REVIEW 



63 



BARNES REVIEW PROFILE 



Gutsy German Revisionist Won't Abandon Truth 



Now a octogenarian, intrepid Revisionist 
Udo Walendy has been prosecuted under 
revised "paragraph 130" of the German 
Penal Code, pertaining to alleged "incite- 
ment to racial hatred." Walendy has served time in 
jail on several occasions for the "crime" of what 
amounts to publishing factual articles that deviate 
from the officially accepted version of events during 
Germany's National Socialist era. Article Five of the 
German constitution, or basic law, allegedly guaran- 
tees her citizens freedom of expression, but for Udo 
Walendy this right turned out to be as fictive in dem- 
ocratic Germany as was the similar "guarantee" writ- 
ten into the constitution of the former communist Soviet Union. 

Our "free" press tells us that Germany today is a free and 
democratic society. However, the truth is German leaders are 
merely puppets who act only in accordance with directives re- 
ceived from Tel Aviv. 

Arguably the most extraordinary oeuvre in the Revisionist canon 
is Walendy 's series of more than 70 magazines entitled Historische 
Tatsachen ("Historical Facts"). Virtually every controversial topic 
concerning German history in the 20th century receives trenchant 
investigation and illumination at his hands, and traditional propa- 
ganda versions of the same are blown to smithereens in the process. 
All this is accomplished by scholarly means and the closest pos- 




UDO WALENDY 



sible scrutiny of relevant documents, some of which 
turn out to be falsifications or downright fabrications. 
If the Revisionist cause could award medals, Mr. 
Walendy would deserve the Presidential Medal of 
Freedom 10 times over. 

No German prosecutor has ever refuted anything 
Walendy actually wrote — fact is simply not the issue. 
Grotesquely, Walendy's jail sentences were expressly 
based not on what Walendy had actually written but 
on what he had failed to write. That is, this historian's 
crime is a genuine thought crime — his failure to incor- 
porate obligatory propaganda into his investigations of 
the National Socialist era. What, we might ask, will 
posterity think of all this? 

Does the term "human rights" have any true meaning at all? 
For decades it was traditional in the publications of the "free world" 
to deride the USSR for its self-serving historical standards. What- 
ever version of the past best served the present interests of the So- 
viet state was to be considered to be true, as Lenin and Stalin 
admitted in writing. In this respect, the Soviets were at least less 
hypocritical than many of the politicians overseeing the West 
today. 

Thanks to brave historians like Udo Walendy, those of you who 
read TBR at least have an inkling of what really happened before, 
during and after World War II. ♦ 



Books by Historian Udo Walendy from TBR . 



The Brainwashing of the German Nation. German historian Udo 
Walendy has been imprisoned because he refuses to accept the 
official historical lies of the German and Allied governments. In 
this short book Walendy describes the hidden truth of the "legal" 
origin of today's German laws, forced on a defeated people, now 
stripped of their history and their identity, brainwashed by their 
Jewish conquerors. #110, softcover, 64 pages, $9. 

Truth for Germany: The Guilt Question of the Second World War. Wal- 
endy has been banned by the German government but is avail- 
able in the U.S. Correspondence and dispatches among 
Roosevelt, Churchill and other politicians clearly paint a disturb- 
ing picture of Allied intentions toward the German nation before 
the outbreak of hostilities. Softcover, #1S, 530 pages, 28. Hard- 
back, #1H, 530 pages, $33. 



Transfer Agreement and Boycott Fever of 1933. Before Israel could 
become a reality, it had to be populated. Many German Jews did 
not want to leave Germany, even when the Nazis came to power. 
Germany had been good to them. Then the Zionists made a 
trade deal with Germany to bring more Jews to Palestine. The 
call by international Jewry to boycott German products left the 
German people in economic dire straits, causing anti-Semitism. 
Magazine format, #65, softcover, 40 pages, $7.50. 

Forged War Crimes. A pictorial history of faked war crimes pho- 
tos and the way they served to "prove" atrocities committed by 
the Germans. Recently, in Germany, a scandalous exhibit of 
"atrocity pictures" supposedly committed by the German army, 
was exposed to be a hoax. Now see what other famous atrocity 
photos are fakes. #27, softcover, 80 pages, $12. 



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64 



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Who Killed the Last Czar and Why? 
What Happened to Russia After His Death? 
How Many Innocent Russians Were Massacred? 
Was it the Worst Holocaust in World History? 
Find Out in the September/October 2008 TBR . . . 

Get plenty of extra copies of this 
blockbuster issue of Barnes Review! 



THE BARNES REVIEW 

A JOURNAL LU NATONAUS1 THOUGHT & HISTORY 



'■iinihlH.l t.'.B 



Russia 

the 




Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn — whose Gulag Archipelago blew the lid off the Soviet 
death camp system for the entire world to see — was a Nobel Prize winner in lit- 
erature. He is the only Russian author to become a bestseller in the West. Then 
he wrote a two-volume series entitled Two Hundred Years Together. Book one, Russian 
Jewish History 1795-1916, was translated and published in several languages. 

However, the book caused quite a stir, particularly amongst the Zionist community, 
and volume two of the series, The Jews in the Soviet Union, was never published in the 
West due to pressure from international Zionism. 

But a brave Revisionist, Udo Walendy, reviewed the German translation of the 
banned book and prepared a detailed review. What you see in this September/October 
issue of The Barnes Review is an English translation of Walendy's groundbreaking work. 

Broken into 16 sections, this review gives us an in-depth insight into the book and 
into the mind of Solzhenitsyn. Sections include: The Communist October Revolution; 
Jewish Involvement in Communism; The February 1917 Revolution; the Red Terror; 
Pogroms in the Russian Civil War; Fluctuation Movements of the 20th Century; Partic- 
ipation in the Red Army; Jewish Commissars; Bolshevik Uprisings in Post WWI Germany; and six more eye-opening chapters. 

Without the work of Walendy, the Western world might never have known about the extent of Jewish involvement in communism and 
the worst mass murders of the 20th century. An estimated 60 million Russians fell under the Bolshevik steamroller. 

But Jews were in no way spared the wrath of the communist butchers. Eventually Josef Stalin, a consummate architect of mass murder, 
decided that Jews too should be eliminated from government and military participation and the nation purged of their detrimental revo- 
lutionary influence. They paid a frightening price. 

So here it is: the only full-length English discussion of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn 's The Jews in the Soviet Union, complete with dozens 
of photos of the perpetrators and their crimes, based upon the work of two historians with impeccable references. 

For any who want to know "what happened to Russia after the czars and all the way through the Soviet era," this is the one reference 
source that covers it all. It's a perfect gift for a college or high school student, library, friend of Russian or Central European descent, church 
leader (Russian Orthodox in particular), college professor, history teacher, amateur or professional historian etc. So get lots of extra copies. 

Bulk Sale Prices: 1-3 copies are $8 each; 4-7 copies are $7 each; 8-19 copies are $6 each; 20 or more are just $5 each. S&H included 
inside the U.S. Outside the U.S. email TBRca@aol.com for S&H. To order your extra copies of the September/October 2008 issue (or any 
other), send payment using the form on page 72 to TBR, P.O. Box 15877, Washington, D.C. 20003. Call 1-877-773-9077 toll free to 
charge to Visa or MasterCard. Please remember to specify the September/October 2008 edition. 



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THE BARNES REVIEW 



65 



Exposing Communism & Zionism 




Lsss am£ Courage 




Reckless Rites: Purim and the Legacy of Jewish 
Violence. Purim — as referred to in the 
book's title — is the Jewish holiday spawned 
by the Old Testament's Book of Esther — a 
holiday based on the massacre of 75,000 
Persians. According to the author, Elliot 
Horowitz, this Jewish celebration of geno- 
cide has impacted negatively upon the Ju- 
daic attitude toward the "goyim" and vice 
versa. Hardback, 322 pages, #476, $35 

Voices of Loss and Courage. Compiled by B. 
U. Neary and H. Schneider-Riggs. The ed- 
itors and their families experienced the 
great expulsion from central and eastern 
Europe after 1945. These are the voices of 
the survivors of those communist atroci- 
ties — moving accounts of pain, suffering 
and, inevitably, victory. Foreword by De 
Zayas. Illustrated. #342, softcover, 221 
pages, $24.50. 

Stalin's War of Extermination: 1941-1945. By 

Joachim Hoffmann. The best book on 
Stalin's plan for a World Revolution by con- 
quering Europe in a war of extermination. 
Hitier, aware of Stalin's military build-up, in- 
vaded the Soviet Union to thwart a massive 
Soviet invasion. When published in Ger- 
many in 1995 the book became a bestseller. 
#282, hardback, 415 pages, $40. 

The Black Book of Communism. A team of 
French historians chronicles the crimes of 
Communism wherever it has attained 
power in the world. The authors put the 
number of victims at 85 million. It became 
a bestseller in Europe when first published 
in 1997. Used extensively by Aleksandr 
Solzhenitsyn in his own books. #235, hard- 
back, 1,120 pages, $42.50. 



Beasts of the Apocalypse. By Olivia M. 
O' Grady — First published in 1959, it is now 
being offered again after disappearing from 
bookshelves for years. Like an octopus, the socialist tentacles are far 
reaching and wide, all grabbing out for world government. The au- 
thor puts the whole conspiracy into perspective and does so without 
apologies. She hoped that patriots would help to expose this un-Chris- 
tian and un-American cabal that poisons all. #280, hardback, 470 
pages, $27. 





rP^TTT^J^B 


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tar of 
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PROF. KEVIN MacDONALD'S 

BOLD TREATISES ON 

ANTI-SEMITISM 

Book #1 : A People That Shall Dwell Alone: Judaism as a Group 
Evolutionary Strategy. This scientific work forms the basis for our 
understanding of Jewish-Gentile relations and anti-Semitism. 
#11 3S, softcover, #3& 

Book #2: Separation and its Discontents: Toward an Evolution- 
ary Strategy of Anti-Semitism. The author views anti-Semitism as 
the logical and inevitable outcome of Jewish policies of self-iso- 
lation and intervention into the affairs of other groups. #114, 
softcover, 330 pages, $28. 

Book #3: The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of 
Jewish Involvement in Twentieth Century Intellectual and Political 
Movements. The final volume tackles the influence Jewish intel- 
lectuals have had among Gentiles in the social sciences. #128, 
softcover, 379 pages, $28. 



The Controversy of lion. By Douglas Reed with a Preface by Ivor Ben- 
son. A new edition of this well-known author's famous book — a book 
that got this very popular author blacklisted by almost every major 
publishing house in the world. Candidly discusses the long tentacles 
of Zionism and its ill effects upon the peoples of the world. # 375, 587 
pages, softcover, $22.50. 

The Zionist Factor. By Ivor Benson, is considered the author's most 
outstanding work. Newly reprinted, with a foreword by Willis Carto, 
it carefully explains "the mysterious relationship between Christians, 
Jews, capitalism and socialism" that has bedeviled all Western 
thinkers. #195, softcover, 217 pages, $14. 

The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews. Published by the Nation 
of Islam. This controversial, hard-to-fmd book has been roundly con- 
demned by world-wide media. Relying exclusively on Jewish sources, 
the Nation of Islam compiled this insightful expose of the truth about 
the international Black African slave trade and the involvement of Jew- 
ish traders in the practice. #112, softcover, 334 pages, $21. 

The Struggle for World Power. By George Knupffer — An amazing and 
prophetic book. The author, born in Russia, first had this book pub- 
lished in 1958. For over 40 years he studied revolutionary subversion 
from every angle, emphasizing the financial aspects. #38, softcover, 
240 pages, $13. 



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Jewish History, Jewish Religion. By Israel Shahak. To the author, a for- 
mer professor at Hebrew University in Jerusalem and a former inmate 
of Bergen-Belsen, the ideology of Jewish supremacy is unacceptable. 
Brief quotations from the Talmud are disturbing and make debate 
over the authenticity of the protocols irrelevant. #246, softcover, 120 
pages, $20. 

The Hidden History of Zionism. By Ralph Schoenman. Clears up four Is- 
raeli myths. They are: confiscation of land from Palestinians; that Is- 
rael is a Democracy; the myth of it being driven by security fears; and 
that Zionism is the moral legatee of the holocaust. Meticulously re- 
searched. #281, softcover, 150 pages, $13. 

The Zionist Connection: What Price Peace? Jewish historian Alfred Lilien- 
thal gives the background of the wars that brought upheaval to the 
Mideast since Israel was carved out of the Palestinians' homeland. 
Prophetically, the author warned over 20 years ago of the deteriora- 
tion of the outlook for peace. #279, softcover, 870 pages, $30. 

Nemesis at Potsdam. By Alfred de Zayas. The author gives an account 
of the horrifying expulsion of 15 million German-speaking men, 
women and children from East Central Europe in the months after 
the end of WWII. Millions died during that expulsion. The story of 



that atrocity is still virtually unknown in the English-speaking world. 
Over 70 photos and maps. #116, softcover, 352 pages, $30. 

SALE! The New Jerusalem: Zionist Power in America. By Michael Collins 
Piper. All the data you need to prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that 
Zionist interests do in fact control Wall Street, the U.S. news industry 
(print, radio and TV) , finance, foreign policy, and more. Names names 
and organizations. Nothing like it in print today. Softcover, 176 pages, 
#426, $20. NOW JUST $18. 

THE HOUSE OF ROTHSCHILD 

Money's Prophets: 1798-1848. Niall Ferguson uncovers the secrets 
behind the phenomenal economic success of the Rothschild family 
and reveals for the first time the details of the family's vast political 
network. $25, softcover, 519 pages, indexed, #361A. (Low Stock) 

The World's Banker: 1849-1999. By Niall Ferguson. The wars of the 
late 19th and early 20th century repeatedly threatened the stability 
of the Rothschild empire. Despite these many global upheavals, theirs 
remained the biggest bank in the world until WWI, their interests ex- 
tending far beyond the realm of finance. Yet the Rothschilds failed to 
establish themselves in the U.S. $23, softcover, 542 pages, #361B. 

BOTH BOOKS AS A SET: #361C— $45. 



Zionism & the New World Order Headed for a Meltdown? 



MATTHIAS CHANG'S 



Future Fastforward. By Matthias Chang, top- 
level advisor to Malaysia's former prime min- 
ister, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad. The Power 
Elites of the Zionist Anglo-American Axis are 
presently in control of political systems 
throughout the world. There is not a single 
country in which their evil influence is not 
felt. The author describes the rapid and irre- 
versible decline of the Zionist Anglo-Ameri- 
can Empire; the forthcoming nuclear wars; 
Israel as the linchpin of those nuclear wars; 
and the end of Empire Capitalism. Softcover, 400 pages, #444, 
$25. 



Brainwashed for War: Programmed to Kill. 

By Matthias Chang. From the Cold War 
of our youths to Vietnam — and now the 
so-called "War Against Terror" (including 
the war against Iraq and Afghanistan) — 
we have been lied to, mind-controlled 
and duped by president after president 
with the goal of making us mindless sup- 
porters of bloody war. Tracing back four 
decades, Brainwashed for War documents 
the atrocities carried out by the Zionist- 
driven forces who want to subjugate the people of the world — what- 
ever the costs. Softcover, 556 pages, #460, $30. 




GET BOTH MATTHIAS CHANG BOOKS AS A SET FOR JUST $45! Save $10. Item #460C. 



SEND PAYMENT TO TBR BOOK CLUB, P.O. BOX 15877, WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003. SEE PAGE 72 FOR S&H. 



400 PAGES OF AUTHENTIC HISTORY FROM A REVISIONIST PERSPECTIVE! 

A PERFECT GIFT FOR ANY HISTORY LOVER! 







THE BARMS REVIEW 










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ra* 5ot/M) Volume 2007 

All six issues above in one sturdy library-style binder: $99 



JANUARY/FEBRUARY 2007 

The Baltic origins of Homer's tales; a Civil 
War Christmas Day massacre; Rothschild in- 
trigue in Japan; Chinese cannibalism; FDR's 
Pearl Harbor propaganda; who botched the 9- 
1 1 attacks?; Michael Collins Piper exposes 
Roy Bullock: Judas Goat; psychopaths in his- 
tory; the relevance of Christianity; Leon De- 
grelle describes "the Russian Hell"; myths of 
early America still survive: book review. 



MARCH/APRIL 2007 

Boer vs. Zulu in the Battle of Blood River; South Africa's fall to Third 
World status; autogenocide of white South Africa; fourth generation 
warfare; Israel without her mascara; judge the war criminals; 
Auschwitz photo essay; inside the trial of Germar Rudolf; blue-eyed 
barbarian Buddha; examining the myth of the lost continent of 
Lemuria. 

MAY/JUNE 2007 

Ancient Israel: myth vs reality; the Arab Holocaust train; Lev 
Mekhlis: Stalin's hatchet man; foiling Stalin; Hitler's barrier against 
Stalin; Operation Barbarossa revisited; the siege of Budapest; Bor- 
mann's escape from the bunker — and Hitler too?; monument to fallen 
comrades in Wisconsin; Hitler: the ladies' man; John Wesley Hardin: 
America's fastest gun — ever. 




JULY/AUGUST 2007 

Debunking the myths of John Brown and Nat 
Turner; St. Louis Civil War massacre; interview 
with traditional Catholic scholar Dr. E. Michael 
Jones; holocaust house of cards; Holocaust- 
ianity: the new religion; the German-Ameri- 
cans, Part 2; Hoover: ultimate humanitarian; 
unleashing the firestorms; barter system beats 
the bankers; inside look at Hitler's personality. 



SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 2007 

One man's journey to holocaust denial; Jewish ritual murder: real or 
imagined?; why the Zionists will do anything to control Russia; de- 
bunking the myths of Wannsee; Congress to apologize to German 
WWII detainees; Zionist psy-op intrigue against Putin; German col- 
lapse at Stalingrad; the intriguing career of William Dudley Pelley — 
forgotten nationalist; Rothschild banking family: book review; did 
Adolf Hitler commit suicide? 

NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2007 

German World War I privateers; William Clarke Quantrill and the 
Lawrence raid; Rep. Paul Findley on the hidden truth behind the USS 
Liberty attack; Why terrorism?; Brainwashed for war; Post- WWII 
German reconstruction miracle; Gen. Leon Degrelle crash lands in 
Spain; before the Protocols; Apocalypse at Dresden; Dr. Fredrick 
Toben's 40 days in Teheran. 



TBR BOUND VOLUME 2007: JUST $99. Buy this incredible volume before costs increase! 

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a My uncle, a doctor in the immediate service of the czar, ac- 
companied Rasputin on his first trip to European Russia and 
then introduced him to the royal family. It was my uncle who sug- 
gested to the royal couple that they send for Rather Rasputin so 
that he might pray for Alexei, the sick czarevich, thereby being re- 
sponsible for his first entry into the Imperial Court. . . . Rasputin's 
activities at court I knew in detail for my late husband was a 
member of the Russian secret police and had access to their files. 
The police system was such that nothing escaped their attention 
and even the minutest details were recorded. " 

—Dr. Elizabeth Judas* 



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rom the frozen wastes of Siberia to the palace of the Ro- 
"^ manovs, Grigori Rasputin was renowned as no other man 
in Russia but the czar himself. Seer, healer, doctor to the 
czarevich, advisor to the czarina, political pundit, heavy 
drinker, "party animal," prolific lover, miracle worker, 
member of Nicholas IPs inner circle, abomination — Rasputin was reputed 
to have been all of these and more. 

During his lifetime, Rasputin was a prophet of great renown. In 
prophesying the disastrous Bolshevik revolution he stated to the royal 
family: "My death will be your death," and so it was. His life was one 
of the first to be taken by those fomenting revolution. But who was the 
true Monk Rasputin? Find out about Rasputin by one who knew him and 
was an eyewitness to his life. Was he devil ... or saint? Find out in this rare book . . . 






* About the Author: Elizabeth Judas was the wife of Alexander Ivanovich Judas, Officer of Special Du- 
ties in the czar's Secret Service. She was well acquainted with Rasputin, as was her husband. She prom- 
ised her husband, on his death bed, to present the truth about the fantastic accusations which had been 
made against Rasputin. This book was her attempt to set the historical record straight in that regard. 
The authoress states: "I never heard a profane word, or an indelicate expression, from Father Rasputin's 
lips; he was an honest follower of Christ; an upright and faithful Russian, of high integrity and purity 
in morals, loyal to his country, big brained and big hearted, a loyal and adoring servant to the czar and 
his family. God rest his soul." 




FDR's Reputation Challenged . . . 

FDR: The Other Side of the Coin 

How He Tricked Us Into World War II . . . 



FDR 



The Other 
Side of 
the Coin 



FDR — The Other Side of the Coin: How We Were Tricked Into World War II. Hamilton Fish, the author, was one 
of those few former members of Congress who participated actively in the consideration of the early 
New Deal measures and in the dramatic pre-war debates of 1939-1941. His political experience in- 
cluded three years in the New York State Assembly and 25 years in Congress, 10 as ranking minority member 
of the Foreign Affairs Committee and four in the same capacity on the Rules Committee. His firsthand ex- 
perience placed him in a unique position to write the history of our still al- 
most-unknown involvement in WWII. The early chapters of FDR: The Other 



Side of the Coin deal with the president's clandestine diplomatic nego- 
tiations in the dangerous months before American intervention in 
World War II: in the Danzig Crisis; the war ultimatum to Japan, 
kept secret even from Congress; and the unpublicized 
communications with Ambassador Bullitt and British 
leaders. Fish documents how FDR refused every prewar peace concession the Japan- 
ese offered, and later refused peace initiatives from the head of the German Secret 
Service — at a staggering cost in American lives and the lives of those in Nazi concen- 
tration camps. In his analysis of the geopolitical effects of the Yalta agreements, Mr. Fish 
traces the causes and roots of the Korean and Vietnamese wars to the territorial con- 
cessions given the communists at Yalta. The reader will also note disturbing parallels be- 
tween the political steps which led to our involvement in World War II and those that 
preceded the Vietnamese debacle. Softcover, 255 pages, #419, $18. 

The Roosevelt Red Record 

And its Background . . . 




J 



Jirst published in 1936 by arch commu- 
nist fighter Mrs. Elizabeth Dilling, this 
incredibly well-documented book ex- 
plores the rampant communist infiltration of 
America at the time through the programs 
and administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt. 
If you are an FDR fan, this book will shock and 
amaze you with the number and scope of communist 
organizations and politicians supported by FDR and his 
wife during their time in power in Washington. Addition 
ally, Roosevelt's programs paralleled the Communist Mani- 
festo and the platforms of the Communist and Socialist Parties. 
Learn more in this new reprint of an old classic written by a courageous lady who had the guts to 
fight one of America's most powerful presidents. The Roosevelt Red Record, softcover, 439 pages, #383, $15. 

TBR subscribers may take 10% off above list prices. Send payment to TBR Book Club, RO. Box 15877, Wash- 
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Christ rejected their supremacist agenda and was crucified. 
This ideology-escalated by modern-day Zionism-has 
once again brought untold suffering to the world . . . 

NO BEAUTY IN THE BEAST: ISRAEL WITHOUT HER MASCARA is a book that discusses the most 
momentous events of mankind's history and how they pertain to today. What the world is witness- 
ing today, with regard to the events in the Middle East and the manner in which the Christian 
West has been seduced into involving itself in the slaughter of innocent people, is the extension 
of the same battle that took place in the Palestinian town of Jerusalem 2,000 years ago between Jesus and 
the founders of the modern-day ideological movement of Zionism. Today, this Beast of Judeo-ethnocentrism 
against which Christ waged his war of liberation— the Beast which for 1 ,900 years remained dormant— has 
now been resurrected from the ashes where it remained safely isolated from the rest of mankind. It is at 
present devouring everything in its path to world domination. With the re-creation of the state of Israel that 
was destroyed some 2,000 years ago and the much prophesied "return of the Jews" to the Holy Land, the 
world is now witnessing the fulfillment of the prophecies concerning a massive battle between the forces of good and evil. The ascendancy of 
this same supremacist agenda (Zionism) that was opposed by Christ is the linchpin to understanding the cryptic description of the Beast of 
the Apocalypse. And, just as was predicted by seers thousands of years ago, the future of humanity hangs in the balance. Written by TBR con- 
tributing board member Mark Glenn. DON'T MISS THIS FANTASTIC BOOK! 

FROM TBR Book Club— Softcover, 320 pages, #470 • $22 minus 10% for TBR subscribers 

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